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Main article: Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation
Russian intervention in Crimea
Part of the prelude to the Russo-Ukrainian War and aftermath of the Euromaidan revolution

Blockade of the base of the 36th Separate Coastal Defense Brigade of Ukraine by Unmarked Russian soldiers,[30][31] Perevalne, March 9, 2014.
DateFebruary 20 (or 23)[32][33] – March 26, 2014[34] (See § Section for more details)
Location
Crimea, Ukraine
Result

Russian victory[35][36]

Belligerents
 Russia
Self-defense units[1]
Political support:
Support:
  Ukraine
Autonomous Republic of Crimea Self-defense units[16]
Political support:
Support:
Commanders and leaders
Strength
See § Section for more details about strength accounts and units.
Casualties and losses
  • 2 killed and 35 wounded during the rally in Simferopol on February 26, 2014[63]
  • 2 killed and 2 wounded on March 18 in Simferopol[64]
  • 10,000 internally displaced civilians[65]
Part of a series on the
2014 annexation of Crimea
Map of Crimea
Main topics
Background
Deportation of the Crimean Tatars 1944
Transfer of Crimea in the Soviet Union 1954
Belavezha Accords 1991
President of Crimea 1994–1995
Budapest Memorandum 1994
Partition Treaty 1997
Russian–Ukrainian Friendship Treaty 1997
Anti-NATO protests in Feodosiya 2006
Kharkiv Pact 2010
Euromaidan 2013–2014
Revolution of Dignity 2014
Ukraine Republic of Crimea (Russia) Russia

Between late February and early March 2014, Russian Armed Forces carried out an operation to seize Ukrainian Crimea. By seizing Crimea, the undeclared Russo-Ukrainian War began.[66]

Russian special forces received their first orders for Crimea by February 23, 2014,[67] and over the course of several days, the initial covert transfer of troops to the peninsula took place,[68] where civil conflict continued in the meantime. On February 23–24, under pressure from pro-Russian activists,[69] the executive authorities of Sevastopol were replaced.[70] On February 26, supporters of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People and the new Ukrainian government gathered outside the Crimean parliament in Simferopol, fearing that it would make a decision to separate Crimea from Ukraine, and broke into its building, as a result of which the meeting of the Supreme Council of the autonomy was disrupted.[71][72][73][74]

On February 27, Russia began active operations to seize Crimea.[68] The Russian Special Forces[75] had seized[76] the buildings of the authorities of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea,[77][78][79] after which a session of the Supreme Council was held in the seized parliament building, at which the Ukrainian authorities were replaced by Russian-controlled actors led by the leader of the Russian Unity party, Sergey Aksyonov.[80] What happened had no legitimacy and represented a military coup carried out by Russia.[81][82][83]

Unmarked Russian soldiers, together with volunteer units, blocked all facilities and military units of the Ukrainian Armed Forces on the territory of the peninsula, whose command refused to submit to the new government of Crimea.[84] In addition to actions in Crimea itself, Russia increased its troop concentration in the federal subjects adjacent to Ukraine, officially citing ongoing exercises as the reason for this.

The Ukrainian leadership feared that Russia's violent resistance to the seizure of Crimea would give the latter a pretext to launch a full-scale invasion, fraught with the defeat of Ukraine. According to the Ukrainian authorities, the same fears were shared by Western leaders, who called on Ukraine to avoid drastic actions. As a result, the Ukrainian military in Crimea did not receive clear orders on further actions, as a result of which Russia managed to seize the peninsula without armed resistance from the Ukrainians. The possibility of Western military opposition to Russia's actions was excluded by the latter's readiness to use nuclear weapons in such a development of events.[85][86]

Background

[edit]

Prelude

[edit]

According to various sources, since the summer of 2013, various plans of action to seize Ukrainian territory have been developed in Russian government circles.[87][88][89] In September 2013, during Russian-Belarusian exercises in Kaliningrad, "operations to protect compatriots allegedly oppressed on the territory of a foreign state" were practiced.[90] According to the scenario of these exercises, "unrest and attempts to seize power occur on the territory of a neighboring state, illegal armed groups are created", and Russia and Belarus, as neighboring countries, "enter and restore order".[91][92]

Start of the conflict

[edit]
Protesters fighting government forces on Independence Square on February 18, 2014.

The escalation of civil conflict in the country on February 18–20, 2014, and the subsequent impeachment and removal of Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych from the presidency during the Revolution of Dignity, contributed to the radicalization of sentiments both in Crimea and in the Russian leadership.[93] Russia effectively used Euromaidan as a justification for the annexation of Crimea and the subsequent hybrid war against Ukraine in Donbas.[94]

When exactly the Russian leadership began its actions against Crimea remains a contentious issue.[95] Sources close to the command of the Crimean operation point to February 18 as the date when the Russian Special Operations Forces in Novorossiysk and the Russian Navy base in Sevastopol were put on alert. On February 20, Russian troops were ordered to blockade Ukrainian military bases in Crimea and prevent bloodshed between protesters. However, Russian forces only began to act on February 23, two days after Victor Yanukovych fled Kyiv.[96] During the intervention in Crimea, a puppet regime was established, headed by the self-proclaimed "Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea"[97][98] Sergey Aksyonov,[b] who "appealed" to Russian President Putin with a request to assist in "ensuring peace and tranquility" in the territory of Crimea.[100] And so, contrary to the provisions of international law, agreements on partnership and cooperation between Russia and Ukraine, the intervention was supported on March 1 by a decision of the Federation Council of the Russian parliament in response to a request from Russian President Vladimir Putin.[100] On March 1, 2014, at 5:20 p.m., both chambers of the Federal Assembly voted in favor of introducing Russian troops into the territory of Ukraine, and Crimea in particular.[100] The legitimacy of the decision is questioned.[101]

In response to the decision to intervene militarily, representatives of various public organizations, including ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine, appealed to Russian President Vladimir Putin not to interfere in Ukraine's internal affairs:[102]

"... We ask you not to raise at the state level of the Russian Federation an internal issue of our country, which is not acute for us. Especially not to introduce troops to resolve a conflict ... Which we do not see." (translated)

For the past two months, all news channels have reported on preparations for aggression that is to take place after the end of the Olympic Games, which ended in Sochi on February 23.[103]

Prelude

[edit]
Geopolitics of Russia and neighbouring countries, according to a CIA report.
External videos
video icon План Путіна: стояти позаду жінок та дітей [Putin's plan: stand behind women and children] on Youtube (in Russian). Archived 2014-03-13 at the Wayback Machine.[104]

On March 3, the media reported that Ukrainian military personnel had intercepted Putin's conversation with the command of military operations in Crimea. According to this report, the Russian President asked the military commander why the Ukrainian military were not opening fire. He then asked if the Russians were provoking them, and after an affirmative answer, he asked what they were saying in response. According to his interlocutor, "they are just sending us" (as form of profanity).[105]

On March 4, Vladimir Putin told reporters that Russian servicemen in Crimea would take cover from the Ukrainian army, hiding behind a human shield of Ukrainian women and children, and he wanted to see who would give the order to shoot at their own citizens.[104]

On March 1, 2014, a journalist from the Russian TV channel "Vesti" told his stort:

"At 15:20, machine gun bursts rang out near the building of the Cabinet of Ministers of the ARC in Simferopol ... Unknown people in black uniforms, with black masks on their faces and white bandages on their hands, lay down near the House of Trade Unions, 50 meters from the Cabinet of Ministers ... Journalists were also injured, but no one was seriously injured, but this once again proves that there are provocateurs in Crimea who want to destabilize the situation." (translated)

External videos
video icon Сфабриковане «звернення солдата української армії до росіян», котрий озброєний російським автоматом АК 100-ї серії та ховає своє лице [A fabricated "address to the Russians by a Ukrainian army soldier" armed with a Russian AK-100 series assault rifle and hiding his face] on Youtube (in Ukrainian). Archived March 9, 2014, at the Wayback Machine.[106]

The TV broadcast showed the bodies of Russian soldiers lying motionless on the road, and then announced that Russian servicemen had allegedly been killed in a shooting near the Council of Ministers of Crimea. After this statement, Vladimir Putin appealed to the Federation Council for permission to enter Russian troops into Ukraine. The "provocateurs" who fired the shots later jumped into yellow Bogdan A092 buses, one of which had the inscription in Russian "Lviv. Taigan" on it. But the buses and the provocateurs have nothing to do with Lviv and the "Banderites". The cars with Crimean license plates belong to the Taigan, located in Bilohirsk near Simferopol, and the so-called "militants" were "armed with the latest Russian weapons". A journalist for the Russian TV channel "Dozhd" also noted after examining the spent cartridges that the cartridges used were blanks. In addition, "there is absolutely no blood under the motionless victims of the shooting in camouflage".[107]

On March 3, 2014, former Navy commander, war criminal and collaborator Denis Berezovsky, accompanied by "Cossacks" with Russian tricolors, burst into the headquarters of the Ukrainian naval forces in Sevastopol and tried to persuade the leadership to go over to the Russian side.[108] Then Rear Admiral Serhiy Hayduk addressed the officers of the naval forces command, and after his speech the officers performed the national anthem of Ukraine and swore to serve the people of Ukraine. Berezovsky himself, together with the "Cossacks", was pushed out of the command headquarters,[108] and they soon defected to Russia.[109][110]

On March 9, 2014, the website of the newspaper "Expres" reported on a video in which a serviceman, calling himself a sergeant of the Ukrainian army, reports the falsity of information about the blockade of a military unit of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the village of Novoozerne and the disconnection of its water supply. At the same time, he hides his face from the camera and holds in his hands a Kalashnikov assault rifle of the 100th series, which is in service only with the Russian army.[106]

On March 2, the media reported on the preparation of a massive bloody provocation by the separatist "authorities" of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. The media disseminated information about the "movement of armed Tatar detachments in the direction of Simferopol and Sevastopol", and Crimean hospitals announced urgent preparations to receive a large number of dead and wounded.[111]

According to Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Mykola Velychkovych, they would try to legalize the introduction of Russian troops into the territory of Ukraine.[112]

On the same day, correspondents from the scene reported that in Sevastopol, a group of "Cossacks", provocateurs and Russian military personnel, fully armed, were preparing to storm the Ukrainian Navy headquarters.[113] The assault was linked to an ultimatum from the Russian Black Sea Fleet command to the Ukrainian military in Crimea, which ordered the Ukrainians to surrender by 5 a.m. on March 4 (officially, the Black Sea Fleet leaders denied their involvement in the ultimatum).

Later, the media reported that the assault had begun, "Russian titushkys armed with bats are attacking the headquarters. Behind them are rows of Russian soldiers with machine guns." Elsewhere, in the village of Zatyshne near Yevpatoria, a military unit is being stormed in the same scenario. At the same time, as a local resident reported, a group of people in civilian clothes tried to provoke a fight by throwing stones at Russian soldiers.[114]

Military forces of the parties

[edit]

Ukraine

[edit]
Ukrainian units:

Before the Russian invasion, there were more than 13,000 troops.[119] The newspaper The Guardian reports a garrison of around 14,500 men and 10 ships.[120] Jānis Bērziņš states 16,000 men,[121] while according to a credible source, at the onset of its conflict with Russia, Ukraine kept a force of roughly 18,800 personnel stationed in Crimea, most of which were in its navy,[122] although Ukraine's interim defense minister estimated their number at closer to 15,000 in February.[123] Between 4,000 and 10,000 protesters were also involved,[124][125][126] and the Ultras of the Football Club "Tavriya" joined in the rallies aswell.[127][128] The numbers included around 40,000 reserve or partly mobilized troops, also outside of Crimea.[129] Other accounts range the number of Ukrainian soldiers between 5,000 and 22,000.[130][131] The Ukrainian Navy in Crimea included the 36th Separate Coastal Defense Brigade,[132] and owned 51 ships, including the "Zaporizhzhia" submarine.[133] There were also 2,500 Ukrainian Interior Ministry personnel[134] on the peninsula, including 1,100 Internal Troops,[135] which the center said had no defensive value. The army had 41 tanks, 160 infantry fighting vehicles, 47 artillery mounts, and large-caliber mortars at its disposal.[136] Of the 45 MiG-29 aircraft in Belbek, only 4 to 6 were in working order.[136][137] We know that 6,000 infantry men were part of the Ukrainian Ground Forces[138] and 3,000 more of the National Guard.[139] Many of the fighters were local, of Crimean origin. The current Minister of Defense, Ihor Tenyukh, estimated the number of combat-ready soldiers at less than 2,000.[119] The center called the level of readiness of the Ukrainian Buk-M1 and S-300 anti-aircraft missile systems questionable.[140] Ukraine's minister of defense considered approximately 1,500–2,000 troops as dependable and willing to follow if ordered to fight the Russian military.[141]

Russia

[edit]
Russian units:

According to the RAND Corporation, Russia initially deployed about 12,000 Black Sea Fleet troops to the peninsula. The same number is also reported by the Ukrainian newspaper Ukrainska Pravda.[154] Jānis Bērziņš states 10,000 men,[121] while historians Dominique Arel and Jesse Driscoll estimate 20,000 soldiers at the start of the invasion.[119] However, these numbers may only refer to Ukrainian deserters fighting for Russia, as another report states between 20,000 and 30,000 troops of the Russian Armed Forces,[155][156][157] and we also have to count around 20,000 pro-russian protesters in Sevastopol[158][159] and 5,000[124] or 10,000 in Simferopol.[160] 5,000 volunteer units were present in Sevastopol, while 1,700 in Simferopol.[159][161] The newspaper CBS News reports 12,000 deserters.[122] The Russian force also included a Serbian-Chetnik contigent[162][163][164] and a battalion of Kuban[6][165][166] and Volgograd cossacks.[167][168] Russian reinforcements involved between 16,000[132][169][170][171] and 42,000 troops,[172] with the only infantry unit used in the campaign being the 810th Guards Naval Infantry Brigade.[173] The Russian Marines were contract soldiers who were better trained and equipped than conscripts. Before the conflict, the Russian army in Crimea was inferior in manpower and heavy equipment to the Ukrainian troops, but Ukraine's agreements with Russia on the basing of Russian troops in Crimea allowed for the free transfer of forces from the mainland to the peninsula.[30][174] On February 27, Russia operated two special forces units of approximately 30 fighters each from the 76th Guards Air Assault Division. The units landed in Sevastopol and captured the parliament and government quarter in Simferopol on the morning of February 27.[175]

Timeline

[edit]

Beginning of the invasion

[edit]

Ukrainian experts and officials claimed that Moscow had been secretly preparing a plan for many years to annex the Crimean peninsula, which was implemented at the most difficult moment for Ukraine, when the bloody confrontation on the Euromaidan took place.[176]

The earliest date cited (in particular by the Ukrainian authorities) is February 20, 2014, indicated on the Russian medal "For the Return of Crimea",[177] which means the beginning of the annexation before the change of Ukrainian power. On February 20, both Russian and Ukrainian units were put on alert. On February 22 and 23, special forces and airborne battalions left their deployment areas, while others were redeployed closer to the Kerch Strait.Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page). In a television interview published in 2015, Putin claimed that he gave the order "to begin work on returning Crimea to Russia" after a night meeting on February 22–23, 2014.[178]

The ships of the Russian Black Sea Fleet, which provided security for the Olympics, departed for their base in Novorossiysk on this day.[103]

February 24

[edit]

On February 24, the Sevastopol City Council appointed Russian citizen Alexei Chaly as the mayor of Sevastopol following the resignation of Volodymyr Yatsuba as the city administrator appointed by the president of Ukraine (at the time the city had no elected mayor).[179] Several units of the 810th Guards Naval Infantry Brigade occupied the city square, violating the agreement on the presence of the Russian fleet on the territory of Ukraine.[180]

February 25

[edit]

On February 25, the large landing ship "Nikolay Filchenkov" delivered 200 servicemen of the Russian Special Operations Forces, probably the command. "Nikolay Filchenkov" probably later transported Victor Yanukovych from Crimea to Russia.[181] In Simferopol, during a pro-Russian demonstration, around 300–500 protesters had replaced the Ukrainian flag over the parliament with a Russian flag.[182]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ Sank by Russian forces themselves for other purposes: "Ochakov",[45][46] "Shakhter",[47][48] fire boat VM 416[49][50] and 2 more unrecognized vessels.[51]
  2. ^ The Russian Unity Political Party, which he represents, received only 4% of the vote and 3 seats in the Crimean parliamentary elections.[99]
  3. ^ Russia recognized it post factum (after the events), but denied it troughout the entire Crimean campaign.[142]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Shcherbakov, Alexander (February 23, 2014). "Русский блок: Мы начинаем сегодня создавать в Севастополе силовые структуры самообороны" [Russian Bloc: Today we are starting to create self-defense forces in Sevastopol] (in Russian). Novy Sevastopol. Archived from the original on July 6, 2017.
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Works

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