Jump to content

Psychological impact of discrimination on health

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The psychological impact of discrimination on health refers to the cognitive pathways through which discrimination impacts mental and physical health in marginalized, and lower-status groups (e.g. racial and sexual minorities).[1] Research on the relationship between discrimination and health became grew in the 1990s, when researchers proposed that persisting racial/ethnic disparities in health outcomes could be explained by racial or ethnic differences in experiences with discrimination.[2] While much research focuses on the interactions between interpersonal discrimination and health, researchers studying discrimination and health in the United States have proposed that institutional discrimination and cultural racism also create conditions that contribute to persisting racial and economic health disparities.[3][4]

A stress and coping framework[5] is applied to investigate how discrimination influences health outcomes in racial, gender, and sexual minorities, as well as on immigrant and indigenous populations.[6][7] The research indicates that experiences of discrimination are associated with worse physical and mental health conditions and lead to increased participation in unhealthy behaviors.[8] Evidence of the inverse link between discrimination and health has been observed consistently across multiple population groups and various cultural and national contexts.[9]

From discrimination to health

[edit]

Stress response

[edit]

Research conceptualizes discrimination as stress-inducing experiences that have negative consequences on mental and physical health, as well as health behaviors.[5][10] In experimental studies, stress in response to discrimination has been measured using a range of both psychological (e.g. perceived stress) and physiological (e.g. cardiovascular reactivity) indicators; evidence indicates that this heightened stress response is associated with poorer mental and physical health and impaired decision-making in relation to health behaviors such as substance use or visits to the emergency department.[7][11][12]

Some researchers argue that everyday experiences with discrimination can cause chronic and cumulative stress that contributes to physical strain on the body.[7][13] Instances of discrimination tend to be ambiguous and unpredictable, which research suggests may be particularly harmful.[9] Studies show that anticipating discrimination, experiencing stress as a result of hypervigilance and anxiousness, and ruminating over the experience of discrimination can aggravate and prolong the adverse impacts of discrimination on health.[14]

The impact of discrimination-related stress can be long-term. For example, one study on Black adolescents found that perceived discrimination between age 16-18 predicted stress hormone levels, blood pressure, inflammation, and BMI at age 20.[15] The cumulative physiological impact of chronic stress was demonstrated by the longitudinal study, Brody et. al., which showed that greater levels of perceived discrimination during adolescence were linked to heightened allostatic load in early adulthood.[15] Furthermore, the study indicated that protective parenting throughout adolescence acted as a buffer against the detrimental health impacts of stress connected to prejudice.[15]

Health behaviors

[edit]

Discrimination impacts health by inducing negative emotions and lowering self-control,[8] which increases participation in unhealthy behaviors such as smoking,[16][17] alcohol and substance use,[18] reduced physical activity,[12] and overeating.[19][20][21] Research also indicates that discrimination lowers participation in preventative care behaviors, such as cancer screening, diabetes management, and condom use, which are important for maintaining overall health.[7] Disenfranchised groups are concentrated in communities with limited resources due to racial and ethnic residential segregation, an institutional form of discrimination.[20] In addition to exposing people to higher levels of stress and risk-promoting situations, these surroundings frequently lack access to leisure areas, wholesome food alternatives, and high-quality healthcare.[20] This systemic disadvantage emphasizes how social environment shapes personal health chances and choices by reinforcing the connection between discrimination and unhealthy behaviors.[20]

Yin Paradies (2006) conducted a thorough meta-analysis of 138 empirical research and discovered a continuous correlation between self-reported racism and unhealthy behaviors.[22] According to the research, being exposed to racism was substantially linked to higher rates of alcohol and tobacco use, lower levels of physical activity, and lower health care usage.[22] This comprehensive data emphasizes how prejudice not only has an impact on mental and emotional health but also leads to behavioral patterns that jeopardize long-term health results..[22]

Interpersonal discrimination

[edit]

Measurement

[edit]

Studies assessing the link between interpersonal discrimination and health have been both experimental and observational in nature.[23][22]  Studies have explored this relationship by manipulating perceptions of discrimination in a number of ways, including exposing participants to racist film clips, asking them to write about their prior experiences with discrimination, and providing them with articles detailing discrimination against their ingroup.[7] Observational studies make use of large datasets such as the National Survey of Black Americans[24] and the New Zealand Health Survey to make deductions about the relationship between discrimination and health.[25]

In several cases, perceived discrimination is measured by asking participants to self-report on the frequency with which they experience discrimination daily (chronic); the number of times that they've been the target of severe discrimination (acute); the amount of discrimination experience over their lifetime (lifetime); or whether they had recently experienced discrimination (recent).[7] Various scales have been developed to capture different types of discrimination, with over 90% of scales designed by researchers in the U.S.[26] Racism, for instance, is often measured using the Perceived Racism Scale, the Schedule of Racists Events, the Index of Race Related Stress, and the Racism and Life Experiences Scale.[7][27]

Across studies, there is consistent evidence for the negative impact of discrimination on mental health and health-related behaviors,[22] but a meta-analysis by Elizabeth Pascoe and Laura Richman Smart in 2009 examined 134 samples which show evidence of an inverse link between discrimination and physical health.[7] Comparisons between the impact of chronic, lifetime, and recent experiences of discrimination on mental health shows recent discrimination to have a stronger negative impact than lifetime discrimination; differences in impact based on type of discrimination measured were absent for physical health.[7]

Mental health

[edit]

A meta-analysis of over 300 articles published between 1983 and 2013 finds evidence of a strong association between discrimination and poor mental health.[28] According to the research, there was a substantial increase in psychological distress, sadness, anxiety, and other signs of poor mental health among those who reported experiencing racial prejudice.[28] The study's conclusions, which highlight the ways in which interpersonal and systemic discrimination fuel health inequalities among racial and ethnic groups, lend credence to the expanding understanding of racism as a significant social predictor of health.[28] This meta-analysis supports the claim that racism has real, detrimental consequences on mental health and that systemic measures are required to address racial disparities in healthcare, policy, and society at large by methodically analyzing data from several research.[28] Specifically, perceived discrimination has been linked to a range of mental health outcomes including depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder, psychological distress, positive and negative affect, and general well-being.[7] Self-reported discrimination has also been linked to DSM-5 (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders) psychological disorders such as psychosis, paranoia, and eating disorders.[29][30] Some studies suggest that the relationship between perceived discrimination and clinical mental illness becomes stronger as perceptions of discrimination and instances of experienced discrimination increases.[31] A meta-analysis conducted by Pascoe and Richman Smart in 2009 concluded that the link between discrimination and mental health is a broad phenomenon, with targets of discrimination experiencing poorer mental health regardless of ethnicity or gender.[7] Additionally, the research demonstrated that unfavorable psychological consequences, such as elevated anxiety, psychological distress, and depressive symptoms, were consistently linked to perceived prejudice.[7] The investigators also indicated that stress reactions and coping mechanisms had a role in mediating these effects, underscoring the influence of both behavioral and physiological processes on health outcomes.[7]

However, a more recently published meta-analysis, whose samples were primarily U.S. based, finds evidence of a moderating effect of ethnicity, such that the link between discrimination and mental health appears to be stronger in Asian Americans and Latino Americans, as compared to Black Americans.[28] The protocol itself, Paradies et. al (2013), does not provide results, but it does point out that previous studies show differences in the ways that various racial and ethnic groups encounter and absorb racism, which might influence their psychological reactions.[28] According to the authors, certain groups, such as Asian Americans and Latino Americans, may react to prejudice with increased psychological discomfort because of things like cultural stigma around mental health, acculturation variations, or different coping mechanisms.[28] This implies that ethnicity may serve as a moderating factor, influencing how much discrimination affects mental health outcomes. Aiming to further investigate these complex impacts, the proposed meta-analysis highlights the necessity of subgroup studies in order to comprehend the diversity of experiences among racial and ethnic minorities in the United States. [28]

Physical health

[edit]

Multiple meta-analyses[2][6][7] indicate that perceived discrimination is associated with a range of negative physical health outcomes such as heart disease,[32] obesity,[33] hypertension,[34] ambulatory blood pressure,[35] breast cancer,[9] diabetes, and respiratory problems.[36] Perceived discrimination also shows association with indicators of forthcoming health problems, such as increased allostatic load, shorter telomere length, inflammation, cortisol dysregulation, and coronary artery calcification.[3][29] Some studies suggest that perceived discrimination could contribute to increased cardiovascular risk as a result of experiencing higher systolic and diastolic blood pressure during the day[37] and higher ambulatory blood pressure at night[38] in response to discrimination.[7]

Although the association between discrimination and blood pressure has been found in multiple studies, a 2012 analysis of 22 studies by Couto and colleagues only found evidence of this link in 30% of the analyzed studies.[6] Krieger (2014) approaches this issue by stressing that a more comprehensive socio-ecological framework is necessary to comprehend how prejudice affects physical health, including blood pressure, cardiovascular risk, and allostatic load.[6] The article contends that by repeatedly triggering the stress response, both brief and prolonged exposure to discrimination can dysregulate bodily systems.[6] This physiological deterioration over time adds to the so-called allostatic load, which includes a number of indicators such as blood pressure, cortisol levels, and inflammatory markers.[6] Krieger also notes that discrepancies in results, like those reported by Couto et al., might be caused by variations in study design, sample demographics, discriminatory measures, and whether or not research takes interpersonal encounters into consideration as opposed to structural forms of discrimination.[6]

Institutional racism in the United States

[edit]

Institutional (or structural) racism refers to the policies and practices embedded in the legal, economic, social, and political systems of society that creates differential access to resources, opportunities, and services based on race.[39] In the United States, studies have examined connections between institutional racism and health, particularly through residential segregation and environmental racism.[40] Wildeman and Wang (2017) go on to emphasize how mass imprisonment is a potent structural racism mechanism that has serious negative effects on public health.[40] Through limiting access to healthcare, upsetting families, and subjecting jailed populations to circumstances that promote chronic stress and poor health outcomes, their study shows how the disproportionate imprisonment of Black and Latinx people exacerbates health inequities.[40]

Residential segregation

[edit]

Residential segregation in the U.S. resulted from federal policies and government-supported private practices such as redlining, zoning, and restrictive covenants, which prevented racially integrated neighborhoods.[41] Although residential segregation was made illegal in 1968 through the Fair Housing Act, it persists in many cases, with Black Americans experiencing the highest rates of segregation as compared to Hispanics and Asian Americans.[42] The historical segregation of Black Americans has been identified as a fundamental contributor to persisting Black-White disparities in adverse birth outcomes, health behaviors, and chronic diseases such as asthma, diabetes, and hypertension.[43][44]

Segregation contributes to health disparities by creating physical and social conditions that increase exposure to environmental pollutants, contribute to the prevalence of chronic and acute psychosocial stressors, and make it more difficult for residents to practice healthy behaviors.[20] For example, Landrine and Corral (2009) identified three potential pathways through which racial segregation contributes to disparities: Black neighborhoods, relative to White neighborhoods, are equipped with inferior healthcare facilities and less competent physicians; exposed to higher levels of pollution and toxins in the environment; and provided greater access to fast foods but lower access to recreational facilities and supermarkets.[45] Other researchers argue that segregation leads to the creation of neighborhoods with high levels of poverty and lower quality education that receive less government support. [citation needed]

Studies have indicated that segregation is associated with poorer overall health.[20] More specifically, residents of segregated neighborhoods have been found to be at increased risk for tuberculosis,[46][47] intentional harm,[48] and later-stage breast and lung cancer diagnosis.[49][50] Segregation has also been associated with negative health consequences for Black women, such as increased risk for obesity,[51] low birth weight,[52] preterm birth,[52] and stillbirths.[53]

Environmental racism

[edit]

Current research shows that people of color, low-income communities, ethnic minorities, and indigenous populations are more likely to be exposed to pollution, toxins, and chemicals as a result of their proximity to industrial and military activity and consumer practices.[4][54] For example, research conducted in Warren Country, NC shows that 75% of their hazardous waste landfills are located in Black communities, despite the fact that Black Americans only make up 20% of the county's population.[55] This pattern is present in most parts of the U.S.; 40% of the country's landfills are located in Black communities.[56] Communities of color not only live close to landfills, but they are also more likely than their white counterparts to live near medical waste incinerators, diesel bus depots, and Superfund sites.[57] Research shows that living in proximity with sources of air, water, and soil pollution is associated with asthma,[58] eczema,[59] cancer,[60] chemical poisoning,[61] heart disease,[62] and neurological disorders in Black Americans.[62]

Black communities have also been exposed to lead, DDT, and a handful of other noxious chemicals as a result of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's failure to enforce safety regulations (for examples, see Flint Michigan Water Crisis;[63] Altgeld Gardens Homes; Dickinson County, TN toxic wells;[64] North Birmingham, AL coke plants[60]).[65][66] Lead contamination is known to be particularly harmful to children and pregnant women as it can lead to anemia, kidney failure, brain damage, fetal death, and premature delivery.[65] A 1984 study by the Illinois Public Health Sector also found that exposure to toxins at the Altgeld Gardens Home led to higher rates of prostate, bladder, and lung cancer, as well as higher rates of child brain tumors, asthma, ringworm, and congenital anomaly.[67]

Impact of discrimination on various social groups

[edit]

U.S. racial minorities

[edit]

Racial minorities in the U.S. include Black Americans, Asian Americans, Latino Americans, and Native Americans. Members belonging to these racial minority groups often face discrimination in daily interactions and situations.[68] These repeated experiences with discrimination has been shown to lead to heightened stress responses in racial minorities, which leads to poorer mental and physical health, and increased participation in harmful health-behaviors.[7] These frequent experiences of perceived discrimination have serious deleterious effects on mental and physical health, according to a meta-analysis conduction by Pascoe and Smart Richman (2009).[7] According to the study, psychological discomfort, including signs of anxiety, despair, and poor self-esteem, is consistently linked to perceived prejudice.[7] Chronic exposure to discriminatory treatment can physiologically cause greater stress responses, including elevated cortisol levels and increased allostatic load, which can lead to long-term health problems including cardiovascular disease and hypertension.[7] The review also found that those who are discriminated against are more prone to use unhealthy coping mechanisms including drinking alcohol, smoking, and other harmful habits.[7]

Black Americans

[edit]

Black Americans report experiencing the most discrimination out of all racial/ethnic groups in the U.S.[69] They also tend to fare worse, compared to other racial/ethnic groups, when it comes to physical illnesses such as heart disease and cancer incidence.[70] Black Americans report experiencing discrimination in a range of situations (e.g. healthcare visits, job applications and interviews, interactions with the police) and through microaggressions and racial slurs.[71] Perceptions of racial discrimination has been linked with psychological distress,[72] hypertension,[73] depression, harmful health behaviors (e.g. alcohol abuse),[74] and a range of chronic illnesses in Black Americans.[29][22][75] A meta-analysis of 19 studies published between 2003 and 2013 on the link between perceived discrimination and the health of Black women finds that perceptions of discrimination is associated with preterm birth and low birth weight.[76] According to the research, racial prejudice is a long-term stressor that might lead to these unfavorable birth outcomes by causing physiological reactions including inflammation and elevated cortisol levels.[76] Additionally, it highlights that maternal health and pregnancy outcomes might be adversely affected by both firsthand experiences of prejudice and the expectation of discriminatory treatment.[76]

See section on institutional racism in the United States for additional health consequences of discrimination on Black Americans.

Asian Americans

[edit]

In a 2007 survey of over 2000 Asian Americans, 56% of the respondents reported experiencing discrimination because of their race, skin color, or nationality.[13] Gee et al. (2007) conducted a countrywide survey that demonstrates how widespread racial prejudice is among Asian Americans.[13] According to the study, these kinds of events were also substantially linked to a higher risk of developing long-term health issues, such as respiratory and cardiovascular disorders.[13] Those who reported more frequent or severe discrimination were particularly affected by these health inequalities.[13] The study emphasizes how racism contributes to Asian Americans' physiological stress and long-term health issues, serving as both a social injustice and a serious public health concern.[13]

A meta-analysis of 14 studies published between 1980 and 2011 shows that perceptions of discrimination are associated with depressive symptoms, cardiovascular disease, respiratory problems, obesity, and diabetes in Asian Americans.[77] According to Nadimpalli and Hutchinson (2012), these correlations show how profoundly racial prejudice, whether overt or covert, may affect Asian American people' physical and emotional well-being.[77] As a chronic stressor, discrimination can cause biological stress responses, which can lead to the onset and worsening of chronic health disorders, according to the review.[77] Furthermore, the authors note that stress brought on by prejudice might result in negative coping mechanisms like drug abuse or unhealthful eating habits, which raise illnesses' risk even more.[77] The report also highlights the underutilization of healthcare services and cultural shame among Asian Americans, which may exacerbate health outcomes and mask the actual scope of these inequalities.[77]

A review of 62 studies also found that Asian Americans who report experiencing discrimination tend to suffer from poor mental and physical health and participate in harmful health behaviors.[78] According to Gee et al. (2009), who examined a wide range of studies, there is consistent evidence that racial discrimination is strongly linked to higher psychological distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and low self-esteem.[78] Discrimination is also linked in the review to physical health problems including chronic pain, high blood pressure, and other stress-related ailments.[78] According to the study, prejudice may have indirect impacts on health in addition to these direct ones by encouraging unhealthy coping strategies including drinking, smoking, and eating poorly.[78] The authors stress that these results are a part of a larger pattern of cumulative disadvantage that Asian Americans experience in healthcare and society, rather than being isolated occurrences.[78]

Latino Americans

[edit]

Latinos living in the U.S. report experiencing discrimination because of their language, accent, skin color, facial feature and appearance.[79] A review of 33 studies on the topic reveals that perceived discrimination is associated to poorer mental health and health-related decisions in Latinos residing in the U.S.[80] Latinos who came to the United States at a younger age are at a higher rate of developing mental health issues due to the discrimination they face at a younger age. While Latino immigrants who come to the United States at a later age have a lower risk than non-Latinos of developing a mental health disorder.[81] However, the review did not find evidence of a robust relationship between perceived discrimination and physical health.[80]

Research shows that Latino college students are more likely to be accused of theft, cheating, or breaking the law, which causes them to experience more stress.[82] Perceived racial discrimination in those instances have been associated with poorer mental health, including experiencing psychological distress, suicidal ideations, anxiety, and depression.[82]

Native Americans

[edit]

The colonization of the United States constituted systemic efforts to destroy Native American culture and societies, including religious persecution, the implementation of boarding schools that sought to eradicate their languages and customs, and the mass adoption of Native children by non-Native families.[83] These experiences of discrimination, unique to indigenous populations, are thought to be transmitted generationally and influence health outcomes in individuals with Native American ancestry.[84][85] Thus, perceptions of discrimination in Native Americans tend to be measured in terms of historical trauma, which is the extent to which Indigenous people experience discrimination as a result of the collective history of violence perpetrated against Native Americans during the colonization process.[85] Historical trauma is measured using the Historical Loss Scale, which captures the frequency at which indigenous individuals think about the loss of, for example, their land, language, and culture; and it is usually followed by the Historical Loss Associated Symptoms Scale, which captures how indigenous individuals feel about these losses.[86] Studies examining the relationship between historical trauma and health in Native Americans find that perceptions of discrimination are associated with increased participation in unhealthy behaviors (e.g. alcohol abuse),[7] a range of chronic diseases,[22] PTSD,[87] and psychological distress.[88] Studies investigating the relationship in Indigenous adolescents finds that perceptions of discrimination is associated with early substance use,[89] suicidal ideation,[90] anger, and aggression.[91]

Sexual minorities (LGBTQIA+)

[edit]

LGBTQ+ individuals tend to be victims of bullying, harassment, and family rejection.[92] Bullying and harassment in school on the basis of sexual orientation has been linked to negative mental health (increased depression and lower self-esteem) and education-related outcomes (increased school absences and lower performance).[92] Family rejection has also been linked to poorer mental health outcomes, including increases in depression and suicidal attempts, and negative health behaviors, such as substance use and risky sex behavior.[93] Some researchers also argue that the higher prevalence of clinical mental disorders in the LGBTQ+ population can be understood as a consequence of the discrimination experienced in their daily environments and interactions.[94]

LGBTQ+ people of color tend to be targets of both racism and heterosexism, which independently predicts depression, but associations between discrimination and suicidal ideation has only been found in relation to heterosexism.[95] LGBTQ+ individuals report experiencing discrimination during job searches and interactions with the police.[92]

Societal rejection of the LGBTQ+ community also tend to manifest in the form of internalized homophobia, which arises in LGBTQ+ individuals as a result of socialization into the belief that homosexuality is immoral and wrong. Multiple meta-analyses find that internalized homophobia is associated with demoralization, guilt, suicidal ideation and attempts, sexual identity development, self-esteem, depression, psychological distress, physical health, adherence to traditional gender roles, issues with sexual intimacy, and difficulties coming out.[96][97][98] Although stigma and discrimination also show association with the aforementioned psychological and psychosocial issues, internalized homophobia has been found to be the most reliable predictor of mental and physical health issues in LGBTQ+ communities.[99]

Research on the impact of sexual assault on health in women populations find that targets of sexual harassment experience a range of mental health outcomes– including depression, anxiety, fear, guilt, shame, anger, and PTSD[100] and physical health problems such as headaches, digestive system issues, and sleep disorders.[101] Research relating assault to health in women populations offers a glimpse as to the potential impact of assault on sexual minorities, who are more likely to be victims of physical and sexual assault relative to non-sexual minorities.[102]

Elderly population

[edit]

Discrimination against the elderly population has been document in healthcare and employment settings, where elderly individuals tend to devalued and the targets of ageist stereotypes. For example, doctors tend to prescribe milder treatments for elderly individuals whom they are likely to perceive as physically and psychologically frail.[103] Elderly populations in the UK also experience discrimination in the form of neglect and financial exploitation.[104] A meta-analysis of U.S.- and UK-based studies on the impact of ageism found associations with poorer mental health, well-being, physical and cognitive functioning, and survival chances.[citation needed] Research also finds that exposure to ageist stereotypes reduces memory performance, self-efficacy, and willingness to live and increases cardiovascular reactivity.[105]

Coping mechanisms

[edit]

Research identifies a few potential moderators of the impact of discrimination on health such as strength of ethnic identity, social network, and coping strategies.[7]

Social network

[edit]

Research shows that having a social network to rely on during difficult times could lead to increased accessibility to resources such as health care, medicine, and high-nutrient food.[citation needed] The benefits of having a social network are exemplified through research demonstrating that having conversations about discrimination experiences with closed ones is associated with decreased likelihood of risky sex behavior in gay Latino men.[citation needed] Seeking social support following discrimination experiences has also been associated with lower levels of depressions.[106]

Racial/ethnic identity

[edit]

Social identity theory suggests that individuals are social beings who derive benefits from group identification and belonging, which could act as a buffer against the discrimination.[107] Evidence of the potential for racial/ethnic identification to moderate the relationship between discrimination and health comes from research on large samples of Latino and Filipino American samples, which found that the relationship between discrimination and mental health was weaker for individuals higher in racial/ethnic identification.[80][108]

On the other hand, self-categorization theory indicates that higher levels of identification may lead to increased awareness and anticipation of discrimination, which consequently elicit negative emotions.[107] Research in support of this relationship was found in samples of Asian American college students who report lower levels of positive emotions after being asked to imagine an incident of racial discrimination.[109] A meta-analysis of 51 studies and a review of the literature investigating the potential moderating effect of racial/ethnic identity reveals that the association between discrimination and physical health is weaker in individuals who are committed to their racial/ethnic identity.[citation needed] They also find that, in individuals who are still exploring their racial/ethnic identity, associations between discrimination and poorer mental health and risky health behaviors was stronger.[110][111]

Coping strategies

[edit]

Responses to discrimination can vary from anger suppression, avoidance, and confrontation to advocacy, seeking social support, and making changes to the self.[112] Research sorts coping strategies into two categories: problem-focused coping, which are strategies that take a direct approach to tackling the experience of discrimination (e.g. cognitive reframing or support seeking), and emotion-focused coping, which are strategies that seek to reduce psychological distress experienced from discrimination (e.g. avoidance or distraction).[113] The literature on coping strategies indicates that individuals usually use a combination of both problem-focused and emotion-focused strategies, but that problem-focused coping tends to be more effective and adaptive.[113]

Studies exploring the moderating effects of problem- and emotion-focused coping strategies on the relationship between discrimination and health finds mixed evidence. Research on samples of Mexican adolescents and Asian international students indicate that problem-focused coping weakens the relationship between discrimination and self-esteem while emotion-focused coping strengthens the association between discrimination and depression.[114][115] Similarly, research on Black Americans finds emotion-focused coping, in the form of anger suppression, to be associated with elevated blood pressure levels in Black Americans.[7] However, research on samples of African American college students, Mexican adolescents, and Southeast Asians finds the reverse association: emotion-focused coping was found to weaken the negative impact of discrimination on self-esteem and life-satisfaction in African Americans,[116] on mental health and health-behaviors in Mexican youths,[117] and on depression in Southeast Asians.[118]

Coping strategies can also be adaptive (e.g. positive reframing, acceptance, planning) or maladaptive (e.g. denial, self-blame, distraction).[119] In a population of college students, research finds that adaptive coping is associated with decreased tendency to overeat in response to discrimination experiences while maladaptive coping is associated with an increased tendency to overeat.[119] Research also finds evidence of the benefits of adaptive coping strategies in a sample of Black female college students in which they found active coping to be associated with lower systolic and diastolic blood pressure.[120] A meta-analysis of 9 studies investigating the relationship between coping strategies and health suggests that problem-focused and adaptive coping strategies are more likely to buffer the impact of discrimination on health than emotion-focused and maladaptive strategies.[citation needed]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Talbert, Ryan D.; Ren, Junlan (2025). "Race, Racism, and Mental Health". The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology: 1–7. doi:10.1002/9781405165518.wbeos1065.pub2. ISBN 9781405165518.
  2. ^ a b Krieger, Nancy (1999). "Embodying Inequality: A Review of Concepts, Measures, and Methods for Studying Health Consequences of Discrimination". International Journal of Health Services. 29 (2): 295–352. doi:10.2190/M11W-VWXE-KQM9-G97Q. ISSN 0020-7314. PMID 10379455. S2CID 2742219.
  3. ^ a b Williams, David R.; Lawrence, Jourdyn A.; Davis, Brigette A. (2019-04-01). "Racism and Health: Evidence and Needed Research". Annual Review of Public Health. 40 (1): 105–125. doi:10.1146/annurev-publhealth-040218-043750. ISSN 0163-7525. PMC 6532402. PMID 30601726.
  4. ^ a b Mohai, Paul; Pellow, David; Roberts, J. Timmons (2009-11-01). "Environmental Justice". Annual Review of Environment and Resources. 34 (1): 405–430. doi:10.1146/annurev-environ-082508-094348. ISSN 1543-5938.
  5. ^ a b Major, Brenda; Quinton, Wendy J.; McCoy, Shannon K. (2002), Antecedents and consequences of attributions to discrimination: Theoretical and empirical advances, Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, vol. 34, Elsevier, pp. 251–330, doi:10.1016/s0065-2601(02)80007-7, ISBN 9780120152346, retrieved 2022-11-15
  6. ^ a b c d e f g Krieger, Nancy (2014). "Discrimination and Health Inequities". International Journal of Health Services. 44 (4): 643–710. doi:10.2190/HS.44.4.b. ISSN 0020-7314. PMID 25626224. S2CID 30287261.
  7. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w Pascoe, Elizabeth A.; Smart Richman, Laura (2009). "Perceived discrimination and health: A meta-analytic review". Psychological Bulletin. 135 (4): 531–554. doi:10.1037/a0016059. hdl:10161/11809. ISSN 1939-1455. PMC 2747726. PMID 19586161.
  8. ^ a b Inzlicht, Michael; McKay, Linda; Aronson, Joshua (2006). "Stigma as Ego Depletion: How Being the Target of Prejudice Affects Self-Control". Psychological Science. 17 (3): 262–269. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9280.2006.01695.x. ISSN 0956-7976. PMID 16507068. S2CID 1930863.
  9. ^ a b c Williams, David R.; Mohammed, Selina A. (2009). "Discrimination and racial disparities in health: evidence and needed research". Journal of Behavioral Medicine. 32 (1): 20–47. doi:10.1007/s10865-008-9185-0. ISSN 0160-7715. PMC 2821669. PMID 19030981.
  10. ^ Huebner, David M.; Davis, Mary C. (2007). "Perceived antigay discrimination and physical health outcomes". Health Psychology. 26 (5): 627–634. doi:10.1037/0278-6133.26.5.627. ISSN 1930-7810. PMID 17845114.
  11. ^ Earnshaw, Valerie A; Rosenthal, Lisa; Carroll-Scott, Amy; Santilli, Alycia; Gilstad-Hayden, Kathryn; Ickovics, Jeannette R (2016). "Everyday discrimination and physical health: Exploring mental health processes". Journal of Health Psychology. 21 (10): 2218–2228. doi:10.1177/1359105315572456. ISSN 1359-1053. PMC 4826316. PMID 25736390.
  12. ^ a b Brondolo, Elizabeth; Hausmann, Leslie R. M.; Jhalani, Juhee; Pencille, Melissa; Atencio-Bacayon, Jennifer; Kumar, Asha; Kwok, Jasmin; Ullah, Jahanara; Roth, Alan; Chen, Daniel; Crupi, Robert; Schwartz, Joseph (2011). "Dimensions of Perceived Racism and Self-Reported Health: Examination of Racial/Ethnic Differences and Potential Mediators". Annals of Behavioral Medicine. 42 (1): 14–28. doi:10.1007/s12160-011-9265-1. ISSN 0883-6612. PMC 4973890. PMID 21374099.
  13. ^ a b c d e f Gee, Gilbert C.; Spencer, Michael S.; Chen, Juan; Takeuchi, David (2007). "A Nationwide Study of Discrimination and Chronic Health Conditions Among Asian Americans". American Journal of Public Health. 97 (7): 1275–1282. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2006.091827. ISSN 0090-0036. PMC 1913081. PMID 17538055.
  14. ^ Brosschot, Jos F.; Gerin, William; Thayer, Julian F. (2006). "The perseverative cognition hypothesis: A review of worry, prolonged stress-related physiological activation, and health". Journal of Psychosomatic Research. 60 (2): 113–124. doi:10.1016/j.jpsychores.2005.06.074. PMID 16439263.
  15. ^ a b c Brody, Gene H.; Lei, Man-Kit; Chae, David H.; Yu, Tianyi; Kogan, Steven M.; Beach, Steven R. H. (2014). "Perceived Discrimination Among African American Adolescents and Allostatic Load: A Longitudinal Analysis With Buffering Effects". Child Development. 85 (3): 989–1002. doi:10.1111/cdev.12213. PMC 4019687. PMID 24673162.
  16. ^ Landrine, Hope; Klonoff, Elizabeth A. (1996). "The Schedule of Racist Events: A Measure of Racial Discrimination and a Study of Its Negative Physical and Mental Health Consequences". Journal of Black Psychology. 22 (2): 144–168. doi:10.1177/00957984960222002. ISSN 0095-7984. S2CID 145535500.
  17. ^ Bennett, Gary G.; Wolin, Kathleen Yaus; Robinson, Elwood L.; Fowler, Sherrye; Edwards, Christopher L. (2005). "Perceived Racial/Ethnic Harassment and Tobacco Use Among African American Young Adults". American Journal of Public Health. 95 (2): 238–240. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2004.037812. ISSN 0090-0036. PMC 1449159. PMID 15671457.
  18. ^ Martin, Jack K.; Tuch, Steven A.; Roman, Paul M. (2003). "Problem Drinking Patterns among African Americans: The Impacts of Reports of Discrimination, Perceptions of Prejudice, and "Risky" Coping Strategies". Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 44 (3): 408–425. doi:10.2307/1519787. JSTOR 1519787. PMID 14582316.
  19. ^ Inzlicht, M.; Tullett, A. M.; Gutsell, J. N. (2012). "Stereotype threat spillover: The short- and long-term effects of coping with threats to social identity.". In Inzlicht, M.; Schmader, T. (eds.). Stereotype threat: Theory, process, and application. Oxford University Press. pp. 107–123.
  20. ^ a b c d e f White, Kellee; Borrell, Luisa N. (2011). "Racial/ethnic residential segregation: Framing the context of health risk and health disparities". Health & Place. 17 (2): 438–448. doi:10.1016/j.healthplace.2010.12.002. PMC 3056936. PMID 21236721.
  21. ^ Brugnera Goto, Janaina; Mastella Couto, Paulo Francisco; Bastos, João Luiz (2013). "Revisão sistemática dos estudos epidemiológicos sobre discriminação interpessoal e saúde mental". Cadernos de Saúde Pública. 29 (3): 445–459. doi:10.1590/S0102-311X2013000300004. ISSN 0102-311X. PMID 23532281.
  22. ^ a b c d e f g Paradies, Yin (2006-04-03). "A systematic review of empirical research on self-reported racism and health". International Journal of Epidemiology. 35 (4): 888–901. doi:10.1093/ije/dyl056. hdl:10536/DRO/DU:30095376. ISSN 1464-3685. PMID 16585055.
  23. ^ Williams, David R.; Neighbors, Harold W.; Jackson, James S. (2003). "Racial/Ethnic Discrimination and Health: Findings From Community Studies". American Journal of Public Health. 93 (2): 200–208. doi:10.2105/AJPH.93.2.200. ISSN 0090-0036. PMC 1447717. PMID 12554570.
  24. ^ Jackson, Pamela Braboy; Mustillo, Sarah (2001). "I Am Woman: The Impact of Social Identities on African American Women's Mental Health". Women & Health. 32 (4): 33–59. doi:10.1300/J013v32n04_03. ISSN 0363-0242. PMID 11548135. S2CID 33338615.
  25. ^ Harris, Ricci; Tobias, Martin; Jeffreys, Mona; Waldegrave, Kiri; Karlsen, Saffron; Nazroo, James (2006). "Racism and health: The relationship between experience of racial discrimination and health in New Zealand". Social Science & Medicine. 63 (6): 1428–1441. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2006.04.009. hdl:1903/24561. PMID 16740349.
  26. ^ Bastos, Joao Luiz; Celeste, Roger Keller; Faerstein, Eduardo; Barros, Aluisio J.D. (2010). "Racial discrimination and health: A systematic review of scales with a focus on their psychometric properties". Social Science & Medicine. 70 (7): 1091–1099. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2009.12.020. PMID 20122772.
  27. ^ Atkins, Rahshida (2014). "Instruments Measuring Perceived Racism/Racial Discrimination: Review and Critique of Factor Analytic Techniques". International Journal of Health Services. 44 (4): 711–734. doi:10.2190/HS.44.4.c. ISSN 0020-7314. PMC 4389587. PMID 25626225.
  28. ^ a b c d e f g h Paradies, Yin; Priest, Naomi; Ben, Jehonathan; Truong, Mandy; Gupta, Arpana; Pieterse, Alex; Kelaher, Margaret; Gee, Gilbert (2013-09-23). "Racism as a determinant of health: a protocol for conducting a systematic review and meta-analysis". Systematic Reviews. 2 (1): 85. doi:10.1186/2046-4053-2-85. ISSN 2046-4053. PMC 3850958. PMID 24059279.
  29. ^ a b c Lewis, Tené T.; Cogburn, Courtney D.; Williams, David R. (2015-03-28). "Self-Reported Experiences of Discrimination and Health: Scientific Advances, Ongoing Controversies, and Emerging Issues". Annual Review of Clinical Psychology. 11 (1): 407–440. doi:10.1146/annurev-clinpsy-032814-112728. ISSN 1548-5943. PMC 5555118. PMID 25581238.
  30. ^ Schnittker, Jason; McLeod, Jane D. (2005-08-01). "The Social Psychology of Health Disparities". Annual Review of Sociology. 31 (1): 75–103. doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.30.012703.110622. ISSN 0360-0572.
  31. ^ Kessler, Ronald C.; Mickelson, Kristin D.; Williams, David R. (1999). "The Prevalence, Distribution, and Mental Health Correlates of Perceived Discrimination in the United States". Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 40 (3): 208–230. doi:10.2307/2676349. ISSN 0022-1465. JSTOR 2676349. PMID 10513145.
  32. ^ Lewis, Tené T.; Williams, David R.; Tamene, Mahader; Clark, Cheryl R. (2014). "Self-Reported Experiences of Discrimination and Cardiovascular Disease". Current Cardiovascular Risk Reports. 8 (1): 365. doi:10.1007/s12170-013-0365-2. ISSN 1932-9520. PMC 3980947. PMID 24729825.
  33. ^ Bernardo, C. de O.; Bastos, J. L.; González-Chica, D. A.; Peres, M. A.; Paradies, Y. C. (2017). "Interpersonal discrimination and markers of adiposity in longitudinal studies: a systematic review: Discrimination and markers of adiposity". Obesity Reviews. 18 (9): 1040–1049. doi:10.1111/obr.12564. hdl:11343/292964. PMID 28569010. S2CID 206229358.
  34. ^ Dolezsar, Cynthia M.; McGrath, Jennifer J.; Herzig, Alyssa J. M.; Miller, Sydney B. (2014). "Perceived racial discrimination and hypertension: A comprehensive systematic review". Health Psychology. 33 (1): 20–34. doi:10.1037/a0033718. ISSN 1930-7810. PMC 5756074. PMID 24417692.
  35. ^ Steffen, Patrick R.; McNeilly, Maya; Anderson, Norman; Sherwood, Andrew (2003). "Effects of Perceived Racism and Anger Inhibition on Ambulatory Blood Pressure in African Americans". Psychosomatic Medicine. 65 (5): 746–750. doi:10.1097/01.PSY.0000079380.95903.78. ISSN 0033-3174. PMID 14508015. S2CID 35912081.
  36. ^ Richman, L. S.; Pascoe, E.; Lattanner, M. (2018). "Interpersonal discrimination and physical health". In Major, B.; Dovidio, J. F.; Link, B. G. (eds.). The Oxford handbook of stigma, discrimination, and health. Oxford University Press. pp. 203–218.
  37. ^ Smart Richman, Laura; Pek, Jolynn; Pascoe, Elizabeth; Bauer, Daniel J. (2010). "The effects of perceived discrimination on ambulatory blood pressure and affective responses to interpersonal stress modeled over 24 hours". Health Psychology. 29 (4): 403–411. doi:10.1037/a0019045. hdl:10161/11806. ISSN 1930-7810. PMID 20658828.
  38. ^ Brondolo, Elizabeth; Libby, Daniel J.; Denton, Ellen-ge; Thompson, Shola; Beatty, Danielle L.; Schwartz, Joseph; Sweeney, Monica; Tobin, Jonathan N.; Cassells, Andrea; Pickering, Thomas G.; Gerin, William (2008). "Racism and Ambulatory Blood Pressure in a Community Sample". Psychosomatic Medicine. 70 (1): 49–56. doi:10.1097/PSY.0b013e31815ff3bd. ISSN 0033-3174. PMID 18158368. S2CID 39714032.
  39. ^ Priest, N.; Williams, D. R. (2018). "Racial discrimination and racial disparities in health". In Major, B.; Dovidio, J. F.; Link, B. G. (eds.). The Oxford handbook of stigma, discrimination, and health. Oxford University Press. pp. 163–182.
  40. ^ a b c Wildeman, Christopher; Wang, Emily A (2017). "Mass incarceration, public health, and widening inequality in the USA". The Lancet. 389 (10077): 1464–1474. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(17)30259-3. PMID 28402828. S2CID 13768543.
  41. ^ Rothstein, Richard (2017). The color of law : a forgotten history of how our government segregated America (1st ed.). New York. ISBN 978-1-63149-285-3. OCLC 959808903.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  42. ^ Massey, D. S. (2016). "Segregation and the perpetuation of disadvantage". In Brady, D.; Burton, L. M. (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of the Social Science of Poverty. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 369–93.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link)
  43. ^ Bailey, Zinzi D; Krieger, Nancy; Agénor, Madina; Graves, Jasmine; Linos, Natalia; Bassett, Mary T (2017). "Structural racism and health inequities in the USA: evidence and interventions". The Lancet. 389 (10077): 1453–1463. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(17)30569-X. PMID 28402827. S2CID 4669313.
  44. ^ Gee, Gilbert C.; Ford, Chandra L. (2011). "STRUCTURAL RACISM AND HEALTH INEQUITIES: Old Issues, New Directions". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race. 8 (1): 115–132. doi:10.1017/S1742058X11000130. ISSN 1742-058X. PMC 4306458. PMID 25632292.
  45. ^ Landrine, H.; Corral, I. (2009). "Separate and unequal: residential segregation and black health disparities". Ethnicity & Disease. 19 (2): 179–184. PMID 19537230.
  46. ^ Acevedo-Garcia, D. (2001-05-01). "Zip code-level risk factors for tuberculosis: neighborhood environment and residential segregation in New Jersey, 1985-1992". American Journal of Public Health. 91 (5): 734–741. doi:10.2105/AJPH.91.5.734. ISSN 0090-0036. PMC 1446660. PMID 11344881.
  47. ^ Jacobs, David E. (2011). "Environmental Health Disparities in Housing". American Journal of Public Health. 101 (S1): S115 – S122. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2010.300058. ISSN 0090-0036. PMC 3222490. PMID 21551378.
  48. ^ Fabio, A (2004-04-01). "Racial segregation and county level intentional injury in Pennsylvania: analysis of hospital discharge data for 1997-1999". Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health. 58 (4): 346–351. doi:10.1136/jech.2002.006619. ISSN 0143-005X. PMC 1732717. PMID 15026453.
  49. ^ Landrine, Hope; Corral, Irma; Lee, Joseph G. L.; Efird, Jimmy T.; Hall, Marla B.; Bess, Jukelia J. (2017). "Residential Segregation and Racial Cancer Disparities: A Systematic Review". Journal of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities. 4 (6): 1195–1205. doi:10.1007/s40615-016-0326-9. ISSN 2197-3792. PMID 28039602. S2CID 4959280.
  50. ^ Haas, Jennifer S.; Earle, Craig C.; Orav, John E.; Brawarsky, Phyllis; Keohane, Marie; Neville, Bridget A.; Williams, David R. (2008-10-15). "Racial segregation and disparities in breast cancer care and mortality". Cancer. 113 (8): 2166–2172. doi:10.1002/cncr.23828. PMC 2575036. PMID 18798230.
  51. ^ Pool, Lindsay R.; Carnethon, Mercedes R.; Goff, David C.; Gordon-Larsen, Penny; Robinson, Whitney R.; Kershaw, Kiarri N. (2018). "Longitudinal Associations of Neighborhood-level Racial Residential Segregation with Obesity Among Blacks". Epidemiology. 29 (2): 207–214. doi:10.1097/ede.0000000000000792. ISSN 1044-3983. PMID 29280853. S2CID 1084234.
  52. ^ a b Mehra, Renee; Boyd, Lisa M.; Ickovics, Jeannette R. (2017). "Racial residential segregation and adverse birth outcomes: A systematic review and meta-analysis". Social Science & Medicine. 191: 237–250. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.09.018. PMID 28942206.
  53. ^ Pool, Lindsay R.; Carnethon, Mercedes R.; Goff, David C.; Gordon-Larsen, Penny; Robinson, Whitney R.; Kershaw, Kiarri N. (2018). "Longitudinal Associations of Neighborhood-level Racial Residential Segregation with Obesity Among Blacks". Epidemiology. 29 (2): 207–214. doi:10.1097/EDE.0000000000000792. ISSN 1044-3983. PMID 29280853. S2CID 1084234.
  54. ^ Brulle, Robert J.; Pellow, David N. (2006-04-01). "ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE: Human Health and Environmental Inequalities". Annual Review of Public Health. 27 (1): 103–124. doi:10.1146/annurev.publhealth.27.021405.102124. ISSN 0163-7525. PMID 16533111.
  55. ^ Bullard, Robert D. (2001). "Environmental Justice in the 21st Century: Race Still Matters". Phylon. 49 (3/4): 151–171. doi:10.2307/3132626. JSTOR 3132626.
  56. ^ Mitchell, C. M. (1990). "Environmental Racism: Race as Primary Factor in the Selection of Hazardous Waste Sites". National Black Law Journal. 12 (3): 176–188.
  57. ^ Gwynn, R C; Thurston, G D (2001). "The burden of air pollution: impacts among racial minorities". Environmental Health Perspectives. 109 (suppl 4): 501–506. doi:10.1289/ehp.01109s4501. ISSN 0091-6765. PMC 1240572. PMID 11544154.
  58. ^ Maantay, Juliana (2002). "Zoning Law, Health, and Environmental Justice: What's the Connection?". Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics. 30 (4): 572–593. doi:10.1111/j.1748-720X.2002.tb00427.x. ISSN 1073-1105. PMID 12561265. S2CID 28948940.
  59. ^ Tackett, Kelly Jo; Jenkins, Frances; Morrell, Dean S.; McShane, Diana B.; Burkhart, Craig N. (2020). "Structural racism and its influence on the severity of atopic dermatitis in African American children". Pediatric Dermatology. 37 (1): 142–146. doi:10.1111/pde.14058. ISSN 0736-8046. PMID 31854003. S2CID 209418659.
  60. ^ a b Allen, Shauntice; Fanucchi, Michelle V.; McCormick, Lisa C.; Zierold, Kristina M. (2019-06-14). "The Search for Environmental Justice: The Story of North Birmingham". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health. 16 (12): 2117. doi:10.3390/ijerph16122117. ISSN 1660-4601. PMC 6617205. PMID 31207973.
  61. ^ Gee, Gilbert C.; Payne-Sturges, Devon C. (2004). "Environmental Health Disparities: A Framework Integrating Psychosocial and Environmental Concepts". Environmental Health Perspectives. 112 (17): 1645–1653. doi:10.1289/ehp.7074. ISSN 0091-6765. PMC 1253653. PMID 15579407.
  62. ^ a b Dimick, Justin; Ruhter, Joel; Sarrazin, Mary Vaughan; Birkmeyer, John D. (2013). "Black Patients More Likely Than Whites To Undergo Surgery At Low-Quality Hospitals In Segregated Regions". Health Affairs. 32 (6): 1046–1053. doi:10.1377/hlthaff.2011.1365. ISSN 0278-2715. PMC 4789147. PMID 23733978.
  63. ^ Butler, Lindsey J.; Scammell, Madeleine K.; Benson, Eugene B. (2016). "The Flint, Michigan, Water Crisis: A Case Study in Regulatory Failure and Environmental Injustice". Environmental Justice. 9 (4): 93–97. doi:10.1089/env.2016.0014. ISSN 1939-4071.
  64. ^ Johnson, G. S.; Rainey, S. A.; Johnson, L. S. (2008). "Dickson, Tennessee and Toxic Wells: An Environmental Racism Case Study". Race, Gender & Class. 15 (3/4): 204–223. JSTOR 41674661.
  65. ^ a b Henderson, Sheree; Wells, Rebecca (2021). "Environmental Racism and the Contamination of Black Lives: A Literature Review". Journal of African American Studies. 25 (1): 134–151. doi:10.1007/s12111-020-09511-5. ISSN 1559-1646. S2CID 230989499.
  66. ^ Bullard, R. D. (1993). "The Threat of Environmental Racism". Natural Resources & Environment. 7 (3): 23–56. JSTOR 40923229.
  67. ^ Johansen, Bruce E. (2020). Environmental racism in the United States and Canada : seeking justice and sustainability. Santa Barbara, California. ISBN 978-1-4408-6403-2. OCLC 1145922466.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  68. ^ Rothenberg, Paula S.; Munshi, Soniya (2016). Race, class, and gender in the United States: an integrated study (10th ed.). New York. ISBN 978-1-4641-7866-5. OCLC 921864951.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  69. ^ Cunningham, Timothy J.; Croft, Janet B.; Liu, Yong; Lu, Hua; Eke, Paul I.; Giles, Wayne H. (2017-05-05). "Vital Signs: Racial Disparities in Age-Specific Mortality Among Blacks or African Americans — United States, 1999–2015". MMWR. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report. 66 (17): 444–456. doi:10.15585/mmwr.mm6617e1. ISSN 0149-2195. PMC 5687082. PMID 28472021.
  70. ^ Lewis, Tené T.; Van Dyke, Miriam E. (2018). "Discrimination and the Health of African Americans: The Potential Importance of Intersectionalities". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 27 (3): 176–182. doi:10.1177/0963721418770442. ISSN 0963-7214. PMC 6330707. PMID 30655654.
  71. ^ Bleich, Sara N.; Findling, Mary G.; Casey, Logan S.; Blendon, Robert J.; Benson, John M.; SteelFisher, Gillian K.; Sayde, Justin M.; Miller, Carolyn (2019). "Discrimination in the United States: Experiences of black Americans". Health Services Research. 54 (S2): 1399–1408. doi:10.1111/1475-6773.13220. ISSN 0017-9124. PMC 6864380. PMID 31663124.
  72. ^ Pieterse, Alex L.; Todd, Nathan R.; Neville, Helen A.; Carter, Robert T. (2012). "Perceived racism and mental health among Black American adults: A meta-analytic review". Journal of Counseling Psychology. 59 (1): 1–9. doi:10.1037/a0026208. ISSN 1939-2168. PMID 22059427.
  73. ^ Cuffee, Yendelela; Ogedegbe, Chinwe; Williams, Natasha J.; Ogedegbe, Gbenga; Schoenthaler, Antoinette (2014). "Psychosocial Risk Factors for Hypertension: an Update of the Literature". Current Hypertension Reports. 16 (10): 483. doi:10.1007/s11906-014-0483-3. ISSN 1522-6417. PMC 4163921. PMID 25139781.
  74. ^ Gilbert, Paul A.; Zemore, Sarah E. (2016). "Discrimination and drinking: A systematic review of the evidence". Social Science & Medicine. 161: 178–194. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2016.06.009. PMC 4921286. PMID 27315370.
  75. ^ Krieger, N; Sidney, S (1996). "Racial discrimination and blood pressure: the CARDIA Study of young black and white adults". American Journal of Public Health. 86 (10): 1370–1378. doi:10.2105/AJPH.86.10.1370. ISSN 0090-0036. PMC 1380646. PMID 8876504.
  76. ^ a b c Giurgescu, Carmen; McFarlin, Barbara L.; Lomax, Jeneen; Craddock, Cindy; Albrecht, Amy (2011). "Racial Discrimination and the Black‐White Gap in Adverse Birth Outcomes: A Review". Journal of Midwifery & Women's Health. 56 (4): 362–370. doi:10.1111/j.1542-2011.2011.00034.x. ISSN 1526-9523. PMC 5388001. PMID 21733107.
  77. ^ a b c d e Nadimpalli, Sarah B.; Hutchinson, M. Katherine (2012). "An Integrative Review of Relationships Between Discrimination and Asian American Health: Discrimination and Health". Journal of Nursing Scholarship. 44 (2): 127–135. doi:10.1111/j.1547-5069.2012.01448.x. PMID 22551064.
  78. ^ a b c d e Gee, G. C.; Ro, A.; Shariff-Marco, S.; Chae, D. (2009-11-01). "Racial Discrimination and Health Among Asian Americans: Evidence, Assessment, and Directions for Future Research". Epidemiologic Reviews. 31 (1): 130–151. doi:10.1093/epirev/mxp009. ISSN 0193-936X. PMC 4933297. PMID 19805401.
  79. ^ Araújo, Beverly Y.; Borrell, Luisa N. (2006). "Understanding the Link Between Discrimination, Mental Health Outcomes, and Life Chances Among Latinos". Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 28 (2): 245–266. doi:10.1177/0739986305285825. ISSN 0739-9863. S2CID 145345535.
  80. ^ a b c Andrade, Nadia; Ford, Athena D.; Alvarez, Carmen (2021). "Discrimination and Latino Health: A Systematic Review of Risk and Resilience". Hispanic Health Care International. 19 (1): 5–16. doi:10.1177/1540415320921489. ISSN 1540-4153. PMID 32380912. S2CID 218557159.
  81. ^ Alarcón, Renato D; Parekh, Amrita; Wainberg, Milton L; Duarte, Cristiane S; Araya, Ricardo; Oquendo, María A (September 2016). "Hispanic immigrants in the USA: social and mental health perspectives". The Lancet Psychiatry. 3 (9): 860–870. doi:10.1016/s2215-0366(16)30101-8. ISSN 2215-0366.
  82. ^ a b Hwang, Wei-Chin; Goto, Sharon (2008). "The impact of perceived racial discrimination on the mental health of Asian American and Latino college students". Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology. 14 (4): 326–335. doi:10.1037/1099-9809.14.4.326. ISSN 1939-0106. PMID 18954168.
  83. ^ Ahmed, Ameena T.; Mohammed, Selina A.; Williams, David R. (2007). "Racial discrimination & health: pathways & evidence". The Indian Journal of Medical Research. 126 (4): 318–327. ISSN 0971-5916. PMID 18032807.
  84. ^ Yehuda, R.; Schmeidler, J.; Giller, E. L.; Siever, L. J.; Binder-Brynes, K. (1998). "Relationship between posttraumatic stress disorder characteristics of Holocaust survivors and their adult offspring". The American Journal of Psychiatry. 155 (6): 841–843. doi:10.1176/ajp.155.6.841. ISSN 0002-953X. PMID 9619162. S2CID 25714220.
  85. ^ a b Brockie, Teresa N.; Heinzelmann, Morgan; Gill, Jessica (2013). "A Framework to Examine the Role of Epigenetics in Health Disparities among Native Americans". Nursing Research and Practice. 2013: 410395. doi:10.1155/2013/410395. ISSN 2090-1429. PMC 3872279. PMID 24386563.
  86. ^ Whitbeck, Les B.; Adams, Gary W.; Hoyt, Dan R.; Chen, Xiaojin (2004). "Conceptualizing and Measuring Historical Trauma Among American Indian People". American Journal of Community Psychology. 33 (3–4): 119–130. doi:10.1023/B:AJCP.0000027000.77357.31. PMID 15212173. S2CID 1963421.
  87. ^ Ehlers, Cindy L.; Gizer, Ian R.; Gilder, David A.; Yehuda, Rachael (2013). "Lifetime history of traumatic events in an American Indian community sample: Heritability and relation to substance dependence, affective disorder, conduct disorder and PTSD". Journal of Psychiatric Research. 47 (2): 155–161. doi:10.1016/j.jpsychires.2012.10.002. PMC 3530021. PMID 23102628.
  88. ^ Les Whitbeck, B; Chen, Xiaojin; Hoyt, Dan R; Adams, Gary W (2004). "Discrimination, historical loss and enculturation: culturally specific risk and resiliency factors for alcohol abuse among American Indians". Journal of Studies on Alcohol. 65 (4): 409–418. doi:10.15288/jsa.2004.65.409. ISSN 0096-882X. PMID 15376814.
  89. ^ Whitbeck, L. B.; Hoyt, D. R.; McMorris, B. J.; Chen, X.; Stubben, J. D. (2001). "Perceived discrimination and early substance abuse among American Indian children". Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 42 (4): 405–424. doi:10.2307/3090187. ISSN 0022-1465. JSTOR 3090187. PMID 11831140.
  90. ^ Freedenthal, Stacey; Stiffman, Arlene Rubin (2004). "Suicidal Behavior in Urban American Indian Adolescents: A Comparison with Reservation Youth in a Southwestern State". Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior. 34 (2): 160–171. doi:10.1521/suli.34.2.160.32789. PMID 15191272.
  91. ^ Hartshorn, Kelley J. Sittner; Whitbeck, Les B.; Hoyt, Dan R. (2012). "Exploring the Relationships of Perceived Discrimination, Anger, and Aggression among North American Indigenous Adolescents". Society and Mental Health. 2 (1): 53–67. doi:10.1177/2156869312441185. ISSN 2156-8693. PMC 3418879. PMID 22905334.
  92. ^ a b c Hunt, Lynn; Vennat, Maryjane; Waters, Joseph H. (2018). "Health and Wellness for LGBTQ". Advances in Pediatrics. 65 (1): 41–54. doi:10.1016/j.yapd.2018.04.002. PMID 30053929. S2CID 51726522.
  93. ^ Ryan, Caitlin; Russell, Stephen T.; Huebner, David; Diaz, Rafael; Sanchez, Jorge (2010). "Family Acceptance in Adolescence and the Health of LGBT Young Adults: Family Acceptance in Adolescence and the Health of LGBT Young Adults". Journal of Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Nursing. 23 (4): 205–213. doi:10.1111/j.1744-6171.2010.00246.x. PMID 21073595.
  94. ^ Meyer, Ilan H. (2003). "Prejudice, social stress, and mental health in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations: Conceptual issues and research evidence". Psychological Bulletin. 129 (5): 674–697. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.129.5.674. ISSN 1939-1455. PMC 2072932. PMID 12956539.
  95. ^ Vargas, Sylvanna M.; Huey, Stanley J.; Miranda, Jeanne (2020). "A critical review of current evidence on multiple types of discrimination and mental health". American Journal of Orthopsychiatry. 90 (3): 374–390. doi:10.1037/ort0000441. ISSN 1939-0025. PMID 31999138. S2CID 210947295.
  96. ^ Meyer, Ilan H. (1995). "Minority Stress and Mental Health in Gay Men". Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 36 (1): 38–56. doi:10.2307/2137286. ISSN 0022-1465. JSTOR 2137286. PMID 7738327.
  97. ^ Szymanski, Dawn M.; Carr, Erika R. (2008). "The roles of gender role conflict and internalized heterosexism in gay and bisexual men's psychological distress: Testing two mediation models". Psychology of Men & Masculinity. 9 (1): 40–54. doi:10.1037/1524-9220.9.1.40. ISSN 1939-151X.
  98. ^ Newcomb, Michael E.; Mustanski, Brian (2010). "Internalized homophobia and internalizing mental health problems: A meta-analytic review". Clinical Psychology Review. 30 (8): 1019–1029. doi:10.1016/j.cpr.2010.07.003. PMID 20708315.
  99. ^ Williamson, I. R. (2000-02-01). "Internalized homophobia and health issues affecting lesbians and gay men". Health Education Research. 15 (1): 97–107. doi:10.1093/her/15.1.97. PMID 10788206.
  100. ^ McDonald, Paula (2012). "Workplace Sexual Harassment 30 Years on: A Review of the Literature: Workplace Sexual Harassment". International Journal of Management Reviews. 14 (1): 1–17. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2370.2011.00300.x. S2CID 142629880.
  101. ^ Swanson, N. G. (2000). "Working women and stress". Journal of the American Medical Women's Association (1972). 55 (2): 76–79. ISSN 0098-8421. PMID 10808656.
  102. ^ Friedman, Mark S.; Marshal, Michael P.; Guadamuz, Thomas E.; Wei, Chongyi; Wong, Carolyn F.; Saewyc, Elizabeth M.; Stall, Ron (2011). "A Meta-Analysis of Disparities in Childhood Sexual Abuse, Parental Physical Abuse, and Peer Victimization Among Sexual Minority and Sexual Nonminority Individuals". American Journal of Public Health. 101 (8): 1481–1494. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2009.190009. ISSN 0090-0036. PMC 3134495. PMID 21680921.
  103. ^ Nemmers, Theresa M. (2005). "The Influence of Ageism and Ageist Stereotypes on the Elderly". Physical & Occupational Therapy in Geriatrics. 22 (4): 11–20. doi:10.1080/J148v22n04_02. ISSN 0270-3181. S2CID 73345987.
  104. ^ Bugental, Daphne Blunt; Hehman, Jessica A. (2007-12-07). "Ageism: A Review of Research and Policy Implications: Ageism". Social Issues and Policy Review. 1 (1): 173–216. doi:10.1111/j.1751-2409.2007.00007.x.
  105. ^ Ory, M (2003). "Challenging aging stereotypesStrategies for creating a more active society". American Journal of Preventive Medicine. 25 (3): 164–171. doi:10.1016/S0749-3797(03)00181-8. PMID 14552941.
  106. ^ Noh, Samuel; Kaspar, Violet (2003). "Perceived Discrimination and Depression: Moderating Effects of Coping, Acculturation, and Ethnic Support". American Journal of Public Health. 93 (2): 232–238. doi:10.2105/ajph.93.2.232. ISSN 0090-0036. PMC 1447722. PMID 12554575.
  107. ^ a b Mirpuri, Sheena; Ray, Charles; Hassan, Amada; Aladin, Meera; Wang, Yijie; Yip, Tiffany (2019), Fitzgerald, Hiram E.; Johnson, Deborah J.; Qin, Desiree Baolian; Villarruel, Francisco A. (eds.), "Ethnic/Racial Identity as a Moderator of the Relationship Between Discrimination and Adolescent Outcomes", Handbook of Children and Prejudice, Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 477–499, doi:10.1007/978-3-030-12228-7_27, ISBN 978-3-030-12227-0, S2CID 182783050, retrieved 2022-11-24
  108. ^ Mossakowski, Krysia N. (2003). "Coping with Perceived Discrimination: Does Ethnic Identity Protect Mental Health?". Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 44 (3): 318–331. doi:10.2307/1519782. JSTOR 1519782. PMID 14582311.
  109. ^ Yoo, Hyung Chol; Lee, Richard M. (2008). "Does ethnic identity buffer or exacerbate the effects of frequent racial discrimination on situational well-being of Asian Americans?". Journal of Counseling Psychology. 55 (1): 63–74. doi:10.1037/0022-0167.55.1.63. ISSN 1939-2168.
  110. ^ Yip, Tiffany; Wang, Yijie; Mootoo, Candace; Mirpuri, Sheena (2019). "Moderating the association between discrimination and adjustment: A meta-analysis of ethnic/racial identity". Developmental Psychology. 55 (6): 1274–1298. doi:10.1037/dev0000708. ISSN 1939-0599. PMC 6557142. PMID 30907605.
  111. ^ Yip, Tiffany (2018). "Ethnic/Racial Identity—A Double-Edged Sword? Associations With Discrimination and Psychological Outcomes". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 27 (3): 170–175. doi:10.1177/0963721417739348. ISSN 0963-7214. PMC 6301037. PMID 30581253.
  112. ^ Partow, Sara; Cook, Roger; McDonald, Rachael (2021-09-03). "A Literature Review of the Measurement of Coping with Stigmatization and Discrimination". Basic and Applied Social Psychology. 43 (5): 319–340. doi:10.1080/01973533.2021.1955680. ISSN 0197-3533. S2CID 238584867.
  113. ^ a b Forster, Myriam; Grigsby, Timothy; Rogers, Christopher; Unger, Jennifer; Alvarado, Stephanie; Rainisch, Bethany; Areba, Eunice (2022). "Perceived Discrimination, Coping Styles, and Internalizing Symptoms Among a Community Sample of Hispanic and Somali Adolescents". Journal of Adolescent Health. 70 (3): 488–495. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2021.10.012. PMID 34974919. S2CID 245606588.
  114. ^ Edwards, Lisa M.; Romero, Andrea J. (2008). "Coping With Discrimination Among Mexican Descent Adolescents". Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 30 (1): 24–39. doi:10.1177/0739986307311431. ISSN 0739-9863. S2CID 4531662.
  115. ^ Wei, Meifen; Ku, Tsun-Yao; Russell, Daniel W.; Mallinckrodt, Brent; Liao, Kelly Yu-Hsin (2008). "Moderating effects of three coping strategies and self-esteem on perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms: A minority stress model for Asian international students". Journal of Counseling Psychology. 55 (4): 451–462. doi:10.1037/a0012511. ISSN 1939-2168. PMID 22017552.
  116. ^ Utsey, Shawn O.; Ponterotto, Joseph G.; Reynolds, Amy L.; Cancelli, Anthony A. (2000). "Racial Discrimination, Coping, Life Satisfaction, and Self-Esteem Among African Americans". Journal of Counseling & Development. 78 (1): 72–80. doi:10.1002/j.1556-6676.2000.tb02562.x.
  117. ^ Brittian, Aerika S.; Toomey, Russell B.; Gonzales, Nancy A.; Dumka, Larry E. (2013-01-01). "Perceived Discrimination, Coping Strategies, and Mexican Origin Adolescents' Internalizing and Externalizing Behaviors: Examining the Moderating Role of Gender and Cultural Orientation". Applied Developmental Science. 17 (1): 4–19. doi:10.1080/10888691.2013.748417. ISSN 1088-8691. PMC 3700552. PMID 23833550.
  118. ^ Noh, Samuel; Beiser, Morton; Kaspar, Violet; Hou, Feng; Rummens, Joanna (1999). "Perceived Racial Discrimination, Depression, and Coping: A Study of Southeast Asian Refugees in Canada". Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 40 (3): 193–207. doi:10.2307/2676348. JSTOR 2676348. PMID 10513144.
  119. ^ a b Lee, Sharon Y.; Agocha, V. Bede; Hernandez, Paul R.; Park, Crystal L.; Williams, Michelle; Carney, Lauren M. (2022). "Coping styles moderate the relationship between perceived discrimination and eating behaviors during the transition to college". Appetite. 168: 105699. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2021.105699. PMC 8671288. PMID 34543691.
  120. ^ Clark, Rodney; Adams, Jann H. (2004). "Moderating effects of perceived racism on john henryism and blood pressure reactivity in black female college students". Annals of Behavioral Medicine. 28 (2): 126–131. doi:10.1207/s15324796abm2802_8. ISSN 0883-6612. PMID 15454360. S2CID 3680127.