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16th-century oil painting of Clarence
George, Duke of Clarence, brother to King Edward IV and husband of Isabel, Duchess of Clarence.

On 15 April 1477, a widow, Ankarette Twynho, was forcibly removed from her home in Frome, Somerset, by a squad of men in the service of George, Duke of Clarence, brother of King Edward IV. She was taken to the duke's headquarters at Warwick Castle where she was accused of bringing about the death by poison of the Duke's wife, Isabel, Duchess of Clarence, in whose service she had been. A co-accused, John Thursby, was accused of poisoning the couple's newly-born son. Both were found guilty and sentenced to death, their executions being carried out immediately. The following month, the King set up a powerful commission to investigate accusations of treason among some of Clarence's closest retainers and servants. This resulted in two of the duke's associates being executed. Clarence publicly disputed the findings of the commission, and this, and other allegations, led to his own arrest, attainder and eventual execution for treason in January 1478.

Relations between Clarence and the King had been tempestuous for several years. They had fallen out in the late 1460s when the Duke had married Isabel, Richard, Earl of Warwick's daughter Isabel in defiance of Edward's express wishes and joined the Earl's ill-fated rebellion in 1471. Although Clarence had returned to his brother's side, his authority over his West Midlands and Welsh March heartlands gradually declined. This was partly caused by Edward himself, who liberally recruited from his brother's tenantry, but had also promoted his wife's family, who were personal enemies of Clarence, promotion often at his expense. After Isabel's death, the Duke was also vexed over Edward's refusal to allow him to make a powerful marriage. Edward refused Clarence's proposal to marry a Burgundian princess and then the King of Scotland's offer of his daughter, Margaret.

Historians generally consider the Twynho affair and subsequent events significant both in terms of local society and the broader political context. While none consider Clarence's actions as justifiable—which have been described as judicial murder and an example of an overmighty bastard feudal magnate abusing his authority—his motivation has been judged in different ways. Suggestions based on Clarence's possible lack of mental stability range from petulance and a loss of self-control to an unbalanced mind deranged by grief. It is also possible that the Duke, alarmed at the local support he was haemorrhaging, decided on a show of strength to demonstrate his authority, even if this meant murder, jury tampering and corrupting the royal justice.

Background

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Relations between King Edward IV and his brother George, Duke of Clarence had been fraught ever since the late 1460s, when Clarence had drifted into the orbit of Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, who himself had become increasingly dissatisfied with Edward's rule. Originally Warwick's protégé—the Earl had been largely responsible for Edward's accession in 1461[1]—Edward had become increasingly independent. In 1464, he angered Warwick by marrying Elizabeth Woodville, whom the Earl saw as being from a parvenu family, and thus a marriage against the country's interests. In 1469, Warwick had rebelled; Clarence was by now his ally, as Edward had tried to prevent the Duke's marriage to Warwick's daughter Isabel.[2][3] Although Clarence had returned to Edward's side in 1471, and fought with him against Warwick at the Battle of Barnet, he was no longer fully trusted.[4][5]

The West Midlands was the heart of Clarence's power in the 1470s. Since 1473, it had become his primary residence, and he went out of his way to recruit local families traditionally loyal to the Beauchamp earls of Warwick.[4] Notwithstanding the Duke's efforts, his authority was slowly eroding, mainly through the competitive recruitment of his tenants by other nobles and the king himself.[6][7] The power of William, Lord Hastings—a new favourite of the King—had been gradually increased in the Midlands at the Duke's expense, who had lost the Honour of Tutbury to him.[8] The King appears to have been dismayed at Clarence's inability to rule the region effectively[9] and regularly intervened to buttress his brother's power in the region. His having to do so emphasised Clarence's own ineffectualness.[8] This regional weakness was in part due to Edward's own policy of appointing castellans to Duchy of Lancaster (i.e. royal) castles surrounding the Duke's lands, encircling him with men loyal to the King rather than the Duke.[7] Clarence was also jealous of his brother, the Duke of Gloucester's power in the north, while the Woodvilles encroached on his Marcher lands, where they were building a regional hegemony.[10]

View of Warwick Castle
Warwick Castle, view on entering passing through the gatehouse, seen in 2018. This was Clarence's main residence in the 1470s and the centre of his power.

By now, suggests the historian Charles Ross, the two brothers were on "thoroughly hostile terms".[11] The Croyland Chronicle reports that both parties had spies in the other's household—whom the chronicler calls "flatterers"—reporting back on the private conversations of the other and that Edward and Clarence "now each began to look upon the other with no very fraternal eyes".[12]

Deaths

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Clarence and his Duchess already had a son, Edward, and on 5 October 1476 in Tewkesbury Abbey, Gloucestershire, Isabel gave birth to another, whom they named Richard.[13] Contemporary reports suggest she looked healthy in the period immediately after the birth.[14] Clarence took her back to Warwick Castle on 12 November, but she may have become ill.[13] Contemporaries—including the Abbey's own chronicler—believed Isabel to be suffering a postpartum illness.[15] She died on 22 December 1476, aged 25.[13][16] By then her death appears to have been anticipated.[17] In a double blow, Richard died eight days later on 1 January.[13]

It is curious, suggests the medievalist John Ashdown-Hill, that the deaths of Isabel and her son occurred at such different lengths of time following their supposed ingestion of poison.[18] According to the later charge, Isabel was poisoned on 10 October 1476,[13] but did not die until 22 December, a period of 73 days. Their son Richard was supposed to have been poisoned on 21 December 1476 and to have died on 1 January, a period of only 11 days. Ashdown-Hill explains this by suggesting that October was actually a scribal error for December, in which case she died the day, possibly a few hours, after her son. This would also account for the error in Isabel being erroneously stated as being at Warwick when she was actually in Tewkesbury.[18]

Isabel was buried in Tewkesbury Abbey, accompanied by "elaborate obsequies" and a month-long lying in state, with vigils and funerary masses.[16] Richard was buried in Warwick Castle with less fanfare.[19] Clarence may have been suspicious that the deaths of two people close to him in such a short space of time were not a coincidence. However, if so, he did not immediately act upon his suspicions, and it is possible that he had to travel to Ireland in the meantime, where he was Lord Lieutenant.[20]

Accused parties

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Ankarette Twynho, née Hawkeston, was probably born in Cheshire or Staffordshire around 1412. She married William Twynho[note 1] of Keyford, near Frome, Somerset;[14] he was dead by 1476.[14] Although the Twynhos were minor gentry, they were not without influence, having achieved substantial wealth through sheep farming.[22] Members of the family entered Clarence's service in the late 1460s.[23] William had been a long-term Clarence retainer,[24] while Twynho sons John and William had taken part in Clarence and Warwick's rebellion of 1470, subsequently joining the Duke's household.[23][note 2] William and Ankarette also had a daughter Edith, who married Thomas Delalynde, while John and his wife gave Twynho a grandson, Roger. William the younger had been MP for Weymouth between 1472–1475.[26] Twynho had been in the duchess's service until her death, possibly as a lady's maid.[27] She had a role caring for Isabel after Richard's birth but seems not to have been a midwife nor involved in the birth itself.[28] It seems unlikely that Twynho accompanied her mistress to Warwick.[29]

A third man, Sir Roger Tocotes was accused by Clarence of aiding, abetting and harbouring the criminals,[13] although he managed to avoid capture.[30] Clarence seems to have considered him the guiding hand behind the operation, with Twynho and Thursby his agents.[31] Of the three accused, Tocotes was the most important. Unlike the Twynhos, he was a member of the leading county gentry. His marriage to Elizabeth Braybrooke of St Amand made him a brother-in-law to Richard Beauchamp, Bishop of Salisbury,[note 3] whose executor he was to be.[23] By 1477, he was a knight banneret and had twice been Member of Parliament for Wiltshire and sheriff.[23]

Tocotes is known to have been in Clarence's inner circle from 1468; "nobody was a more constant associate of the Duke of Clarence in adversity or prosperity", comments Hicks.[23] His elections to parliament had been as the Duke's candidate,[33] he had been in Clarence's army when he defected to Edward before Barnet in 1471, had travelled with him in the same capacity to France in 1475, and had been a ducal councillor ever since.[31] Further, he appears to have been a close personal friend. As such, suggests Hicks, "a more improbable object of Clarence's hostility it is difficult to imagine".[23]

Twynho's co-accused, John Thursby, was charged with poisoning baby Richard. He was a politically insignificant Warwickshire yeoman.[34]

Arrest

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Indictments against Ankerett Twinnewe, Roger Tocotes and John Thursby, Warwick Castle

Whereby it is found that Ankerett Twinnewe otherwise late of Warwick, widow, late servant of George Duke of Clarence and Isabella his wife, did on the 10th October, 16 Edw. 4, at Warwick, give to the said Isabella poisoned ale, of which poison she died on Sunday next before the then following Christmas. Also against Roger Tocotes, late of Warwick, Knight, servant of the said Duke and Duchess, for that on the said 10th October, he abetted the said Ankerett to commit the said felony. Also that John Thuresby, late of Warwick, yeoman, late servant of Richard Plantagenet, second son of George Duke of Clarence, compassing the death Of the said Richard, gave him on the 21st December, 16 Edw. 4, certain poisoned ale, of which poison he died on the 1st January then next ensuing. And furthermore that the said Roger Tocotes, otherwise Tokettes, late of Warwick, Knight, on the said 21st December, procured and abetted the said John Thuresby to commit the said felony. And furthermore stating that the said Ankerett Twinnere and John Thuresby, before arrival of the writ to said indictment annexed, had been attainted of the said felony.[35][36]

Ankarette Twynho was forcibly seized at her house in Keyford, near Frome, at around 2 pm on Saturday 12 April.[37] Richard Hyde,[note 4] and Roger Struggle of Beckham, a clothier[31] both servants of Clarence from Warwick Castle, led a force of 80 men to arrest her.[38] At this stage, witchcraft was suspected.[39] Twynho, either accompanied or followed by her daughter and son-in-law, was first taken to Bath. On Sunday, she was moved on to Cirencester, and the party arrived in Warwick on Monday night.[37] The historian Michael Hicks has called the method of Twynho's arrest "highly irregular"[13] and it has been compared to an abduction.[40][8][41] She had been taken 90 miles—across three shires—in three days.[13] In the context of 15th-century travel, news as important as the dumping of William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk's murdered body on the Dover shore on 2 May 1450 arrived in London on 6 May. This was a distance of approximately 70 miles, averaging 35 miles a day. Similarly, in 1455, news of the murder of Nicholas Radford in Devon took five days to travel the 185 miles from Exeter to London, averaging 37 miles a day.[42]

Trial and execution

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Clarence forbade Twynho's daughter and son-in-law from entering Warwick, and they had to await news in Stratford-upon-Avon. Twynho was stripped of her jewels and money and imprisoned in the castle.[38] On Tuesday 15th,[37] during the Spring sessions,[21] she was tried in the guildhall[37] alongside Thursby,[13] Tocotes having not yet been apprehended.[13]

She was charged with veneficium,[43] a form of petty treason,[27][note 5] by giving Isabel "a venomous drink of ale mixed with poison". Twynho pleaded not guilty.[30] Thursby was accused of poisoning Richard, also with bad ale.[13] The trial was brief.[13] The Duke was present for the proceedings,[13] and may even have led the prosecution.[21]

Twynho and Thursby were found guilty;[13] there was only one penalty. Sentenced to death, they were to be "led from the bar to the said lord King's gaol of Warwick aforesaid, and drawn from that gaol through the centre of that town of Warwick to the gallows at Myton, and be hanged there on that gallows until ... dead".[18] Before Twynho was taken from the castle for the last time, several jurors visited her in remorse and sought her forgiveness.[13][37] They explained how being in fear of the Duke, they came to a judgment "contrary to their conscience".[13] The Parliament Roll later recorded that

Diverse of the same Jurre, after the said Judgment goven, came to the seid Ankarette, havyng grete remorce in their consciens, knowyng they hadde goven an untrue Verdyt in that behalf, humbly and pituously asked forgefnes thereof of the seid Ankarette...[46]

Both Twynho and Thursby were "drawn at the horse's tail" through Warwick to their execution. This had been carried out by noon;[30][37] between arraignment and death less than three hours had passed.[41]

Clarence's involvement

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Colour photograph of the field where the executions took place
Gallows Hill, Myton, southeast of Warwick, where Twynho and Thursby were hanged, seen in 2010.

As Warwick was the Duke's caput baroniae, it was unlikely that the accused would receive a fair trial.[13] Clarence could bring influence to bear on both jurors—four of whom were his tenants from Warwick and Solihull—and the justices. All of these were local men. Hicks argues that "undue pressure" was undoubtedly required to reach the verdicts Clarence wanted.[13] A. J. Pollard has called it a kangaroo court,[47] with Clarence acting, a contemporary record says, "as though he had used a Kyng's power".[13]

It is possible that the Duke deliberately altered the chronology of events, depending on whether October was a scribal error for December when the charges were read.[23] Twynho was accused of committing the crime while she and Isabel were at Warwick Castle—thus allowing the Duke to try her there—although contemporaneous evidence indicates that the duchess was at Tewkesbury until mid-November.[48] He may also have fabricated evidence.[23] Peter Fleming argues that Clarence engineered the proceedings;[22] the responsible officials were his men to a body. These included the county clerk, but also the justices of the the bench, John Hugford and Henry Boteler. The latter were the Duke's current and former retainers respectively.[13] On these grounds, suggests the medievalist Christine Carpenter, the indictments were most improper.[8]

Addressing the possibility that Clarence's suspicions were correct, Hicks considers it unlikely that Isabel was poisoned at all because it took so long for her to die:[13] there were no contemporary poisons capable of producing such a protracted death.[49] He suggests that the Duke was guilty of embracery at the least, and Twynho's original arrest and detention was probably illegal also since the royal commission later referred to "the unlawful taking of Ankarette through three shires".[50] On the other hand, the speed with which proceedings had been conducted—and the swiftness to execution—"about which the petitioner also complained might have been unfair, but it was not illegal", says the legal scholar John Bellamy. Even the charge of embracery is not watertight; as a member of the Warwickshire bench, recommending a verdict to a jury was within the Duke's remit.[51]

The jurors for fear gave the verdicts contrary to their conscience, in proof whereof divers of them came to the said Ankarette in remorse and asked her forgiveness, in consideration of the imaginations of the said duke and his great might, the unlawful taking of the said Ankarette through three several shires, the inordinate hasty process...[13]

Later events

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16th-century oil painting of Edward IV
King Edward IV, oil painting by an unknown artist, c. 1540

Stacy and Burdet

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In what Cora Scofield calls "revenge ... in a manner scarcely less extraordinary "than the Duke's own,[52] and what Lander suggests served as an "oblique warning" to Clarence,[49] the King instructed a commission of 17 lay magnates to investigate the judicial proceedings. Investigation swiftly led to an Oxford University clerk called John Stacy, an alleged astronomer and magnus necromanticus, or great sorcerer. Contemporaries suspected him of practising the dark arts.[53][note 6] Stacy—under acerrimum examen, literally, ‘severe examination' (i.e., torture)[57][21]—in turn implicated Thomas Burdet of Arowe,[52] a member of Clarence's household.[5][note 7] Burdet, born around 1425, had been orphaned and made a ward of Humphrey, Earl of Stafford. Originally in the service of John, Lord Beauchamp of Powicke, he had joined the retinue of Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick and after the Earl's death, that of Clarence.[58] Burdet was a violent and litigious individual. He supposedly had so many enemies in Wiltshire that it was recorded how, when a riot broke out in March 1477, he would have been murdered had he been present.[59] Following Stacy's confession, Burdet and another Oxford clerk, Thomas Blake, were arrested. The commission condemned all three.[52] In what Ross has called a "staged political trial",[11] and what his wife has called a "justly conducted, if political, trial", on 10 May 1477[60] they were found guilty of "'imagining and compassing' the king's death".[61] This was high treason.[62] Blake was reprieved after a petition from the Bishop of Norwich,[63] but Burdet and Stacy were taken to Tyburn the following day and hanged, drawn and quartered,[41] still protesting their innocence.[60] The same day, a writ of certiorari was dispatched to the sheriff of Warwick, transferring the case to the King's Bench in Westminster.[21] On learning of this writ[21]—which removed the danger of his arrest by the Duke—Sir Roger Tocotes surrendered himself to the Marshalsea Prison; he was later acquitted of complicity in the death of the Duchess.[60][note 8]

Clarence proclaimed Burdet innocent.[65] Accompanied by the Minorite preacher Dr John Goddard, the Duke interrupted a royal council meeting while the King was in Windsor.[66] Goddard read out Burdet's gallow's statement.[67][68] When Edward heard, reports Croyland, "he was greatly displeased and recalled information laid against his brother which he had long kept in his breast".[12][69] An appeal to the King's council, however impromptu, was within the boundaries of acceptable political protest, particularly for a leading magnate.[70] It was, though, unwise; in voicing his belief so publicly, Clarence associated himself with Burdet's treason. It was also near-treasonable to criticise the findings of a royal commission as this could be interpreted as a denunciation of royal justice, which was an extension of Divine justice.[65][71] Clarence's choice of spokesman was also unfortunate. Goddard had been the priest who vehemently advanced Henry VI's return to the throne in April 1470, after Edward had been forced into exile by Warwick and Clarence.[68] Compounding his appearance of guilt, Clarence may have also been circulating rumours of the King's illegitimacy—rumours originally promulgated by him and Warwick in the late 1460s. This was also treason, as it implicitly alleged the illegitimacy of Edward's heir, thus endangering the succession.[72][note 9]

Proposed marriages

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Clarence felt that he had multiple legitimate reasons for unrest.[74] Following his wife's death, he proposed that he should marry Mary of Burgundy, daughter of Duke Charles the Bold, who had died in January 1477. This failed to gain the King's support; he openly prohibited the match.[65][note 10] Worse, he proposed that their brother-in-law Earl Rivers marry Mary instead.[note 11] While this was never likely to come to fruition—Mary was already engaged to Maximilian, son of the Holy Roman Emperor—it furthered the Duke's discontent:[41] Rivers was a Woodville, and to Clarence the whole family was an enemy.[77] Worse, the King also vetoed King James of Scotland's suggestion—of which Clarence approved—that the Duke should marry James's sister Margaret.[78]

Arrest and fall

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In late June 1477, Clarence was arrested and imprisoned in the Tower of London on charges of usurping royal authority, or "violating the laws of the realm by threatening the safety of judges and jurors", states Bellamy.[66] He remained in custody until parliament met in January 1478. Except for some minor business, this parliament had been called expressly to attaint him of high treason.[11] The trial and executions of Twynho and Thursby did not form part of the prosecution case,[79] although during the course of the parliament, Roger Twynho successfully petitioned that the proceedings and verdict against his grandmother should be overturned. He was probably aided in this by several MPs connected to the case, who included John and William Twynho—sitting for Gloucester and Dorset respectively—and Robert Tocotes, Sir Roger's brother. Tocotes's brother-in-law, the bishop of Salisbury, was also sitting as a Lord spiritual.[65][61] The petition was politically opportune, as the King was unlikely to ignore another opportunity to discredit his brother further.[51] The Croyland Chronicle reports how the parliament became a battle of wills between the brothers: "no one spoke against the duke but the king, and no one answered but the duke".[12] Clarence, in desperation, offered to submit to trial by combat; his request was ignored.[61] On top of the charges of spreading slander and usurping royal authority were added accusations that Clarence encouraged Edward's subjects to withdraw their allegiance from the King while requesting his supporters to be ready to fight at an hour's warning.[80] Found guilty, he was sentenced to death. Although the king hesitated for several days, the sentence was carried out in a private execution with the Tower on 18 February 1478.[81]

Although Clarence had procured the execution of his kinswoman Ankarette, John Twynho of Bristol seems to have remembered the Duke sympathetically. In his will,[82] proven in 1485,[83] he left a silver cup to the Abbess of Shaftesbury inscribed venerabilis dux clarencie ex sua benevolencia michi dedit ("given me by the Duke of Clarence in his benevolence").[82]

Historiography

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Although a local affair, the Twynho case has attracted commentary from modern political and social historians. The folklorist George Kittredge called it a cause célèbre,[21] while more recently Carpenter has described it and the subsequent arrests and execution of Burdet and Stacy as being of "considerable significance" at the time.[67] To Hicks, Twynho's judicial murder[4][84] was "one of the most flagrant abuses of noble power in late medieval England",[84][70] and a blatant example of how an overmighty subject could abuse his position.[4] Ross called it a "scandalous demonstration" of the misuse of magnate authority,[85] while Rosemary Horrox cites Clarence's over-awing of the jury a "classic symptom of bastard feudalism".[86]

contemporary drawing of the Duchess
Drawing of Isabel, Duchess of Clarence from the Rous Roll, c. 1483.

Clarence's degree of personal responsibility has also been discussed. Professor J. R. Lander found the charges against Twynho and Thursby too implausible to credit, calling them "fantastic".[87] He blames Clarence's actions as the result of a "seriously disturbed mind".[49] However, Hicks criticises this as "too facile a solution", as it effectively absolves Clarence of mens rea. He also argues that there is a contradiction, if Clarence was both sufficiently disturbed to believe in Twynho's guilt but sensible enough to recognise the weaknesses in the case and to stage-manage evidence.[23] Conversely, the researcher David Hipshon considers Clarence to have been merely petulant (albeit to an "alarming degree").[88]

Fleming also sees an interplay between the Twynho affair and national politics, although he considers the precise connection unclear.[22] That previously loyal household servants such as Twynho and Thursby, and intimates as Tocotes, no longer felt the Duke's service provided security or the prospect of promotion is apparent.[89] Members of Clarence's affinity were wavering in their loyalties; Carpenter comments that "even in this bastion of Warwick [Clarence's] power began to fall apart".[7] It was alleged, for example, that Clarence requested his long time servants John Harewood and John Tapton to find a child, 'in likeness' of the Duke's own, and place him in Warwick Castle, and to secret his heir, Edward, abroad for safekeeping, either to Ireland, Flanders or Burgundy.[90][91] That Clarence could no longer rely on his word being faithfully obeyed is indicated by Harewood and Tapton's subsequent behaviour. Far from doing as the Duke requested, they immediately revealed his plans to the King.[8][note 12] Ashdown-Hill has proposed an innocent explanation for Clarence to do so: that following the deaths of his wife and baby in quick succession, he was not only suspicious but also fearful of further deaths, and particularly the well-being of his two-year-old heir.[20] Further indicating the loss of cohesion in Clarence's power base, Burdet—a personal squire[93]—was himself betrayed by another Clarence retainer and "constant associate", Alexander Rushton, who had also been approached by Burdet and Stacy.[8]

Even before their arrests, relations between Clarence and King had been under strain. Afterwards, it must have been clear that Clarence's fortunes were liable to break sooner rather than later.[89] From the King's point of view, Clarence was proving to be completely ineffectual as a mighty lord in his own lands; now he had suborned royal justice and forced Edward's local royal officials to obey him rather than their King. This was despite Edward's having made law and order the centrepiece of his return to power in 1471.[8][7]

Compared to Clarence, the Woodville family, headed by Queen Elizabeth, had grown powerful, and with the royal children growing up, their households were also increasing. For example, John Twynho, the Bristol recorder, joined the household of the Prince of Wales. Ankarette Twynho was unemployed after Isabel's death and would have presumably accepted employment with any lord or lady, while Tocotes had become Master of Game for the Queen.[89] Hicks suggests that the possible disintegration of his affinity at the hands of his brother and in-laws was sufficient to drive Clarence to seek revenge;[89] it also demonstrated "a talent for swift and ruthless action" in him.[94] Carpenter agrees that the weakening of Clarence's authority in the West Midlands was central to Clarence's response. He may have thought a dramatic demonstration of his power in his heartland would stop the bleeding of retainers to Hastings and Woodville. But, she comments, "if this was his purpose, the gesture was meaningless":[8]

All Clarence had succeeded in showing was that by the use of military force near the heart of his domain he could overawe some of the middling gentry ... where, if he had been a real force, his word would normally have been law.[8]

Hicks speculates that Clarence wanted to show he was not to be "trifled with", but in fact, by doing so, he helped prepare the way for his own downfall.[95] Bellamy has argued that Clarence's wielding of the legal machinery for personal motives only caused the subsequent outcry it did because he was out of royal favour and with waning prospects.[37] Clarence may have intended Twynho's execution as a lesson not just to the community at large but also a warning to his retainers on the penalties of betrayal.[8] Bellamy also doubts whether there was any basis for the Duke's suspicions. By 1477, his behaviour was "quite irresponsible, even unbalanced".[note 15] Carpenter also suggests that Clarence could quite possibly have become deranged,[8] possibly delusional[39] following the loss of his wife;[8] there seems no doubt that his grief was genuine.[16] Lander considers that Clarence's self-control—"never very strong"—completely collapsed.[41] David Cook suggests that Clarence was motivated by "greed and resentment",[5] while Hazel Pierce notes that Twynho could have been one of the so-called "flatterers" who reported Clarence's private statements to the King, if not directly, then possibly via men such as Tocotes.[98][89][note 16]

Notes

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  1. ^ Also Twynmowe or Twynyho.[21]
  2. ^ Although Ankarette's immediate family were only minor gentry, a relative, John Twynho was recorder of Bristol and the recipient of a silver goblet from the duke—with whom he had had close links[25]—and a man of some importance.[23]
  3. ^ Beauchamp was an influential ecclesiastic, the first chancellor of the Order of the Garter, and personal associate of King Henry VI at the outbreak of civil war in the late 1450s.[32]
  4. ^ Hyde, originally from Swindon, had been in Clarence's service since at least 1471.[13]
  5. ^ The 1351 Statute of Treason codified the killing of a master or mistress by a servant as petty treason since it was seen as a form of rebellion.[44] The legal scholar Graham Platts argues that "the killing of a master by a servant was a rare occurrence, it struck at the root of a fundamental relationship within feudal society and as such ... not just treason but an act of anarchy".[45]
  6. ^ It was Stacy who had warned Edmund, Duke of Somerset[54] to beware of the tower. Stacy, reported William Lomner to John Paston in 1450, had advised Suffolk that "if he might escape the danger of the Tower, he should be safe".[55] Suffolk, impeached in 1450 was therefore relieved that, instead of being sent to the the Tower, he was exiled instead. But when he sailed from England, his ship was boarded by a privateer; he was murdered and his body dumped near Dover. The name of the ship that had attacked his own was Nicholas of the Tower.[56][55]
  7. ^ In a pardon roll of 1470, Burdett is called Thomas Burdet of Saint Augustine near Bristol, esquire, alias of Arowe, Warwickshire, alias of Bell, Worcestershire, alias of Belbroughton, alias of Bristol.[52]
  8. ^ Although his role in Clarence's downfall did not bring him royal favour: following the duke's death, Tocotes lost the stewardships of Ringwood and Christchurch to a royal servant, William Berkeley.[64]
  9. ^ Specifically, that Edward was the son of an archer from Calais named Blaybourne, with whom the Duchess of York supposedly had an affair while her husband was Lord Lieutenant of France in 1441. It was one of the most potent accusations that could be made in 15th-century England, and it was also one of the most frequent. Before Edward IV, Henry VI’s son Edward, Prince of Wales faced the same charge, and so did Henry Tudor after Edward. Edward's sons, Edward V and Richard of York were also accused.[73]
  10. ^ During his later treason trial, the duke was explicitly accused of attempting to send his heir to their sister, Margaret of Burgundy.[75]
  11. ^ Ross points out that Clarence marrying into the House of Burgundy would make him one of the most powerful men in Europe, and with a legitimate claim to the English throne, undoubtedly strong enough to maybe attempt another overthrow of Edward.[76]
  12. ^ The Duchess of York had sent George and Richard to Burgundy in January 1461 for their protection following the death of her husband at the Battle of Wakefield the previous December. Then, it was a place of safety; in 1477, it was leaderless after the death of its Duke, Charles the Bold, at the Battle of Nancy in January, and experiencing civil war and under threat of invasion from France. This makes it unlikely that Clarence would have considered sending his heir there.[92]
  13. ^ Also known as alicorn, it was considered an antidote to poisoning: when placed in suspected food or drink, the poison would bubble.[96]
  14. ^ Almost certainly named after the saint rather than his brother, such had their relationship deteriorated by the time of the birth.[97]
  15. ^ Including, for example, public insults to the king, such as ostentatiously dropping unicorn horn[note 13] into his cup at a royal banquet celebrating the birth of Edward's son, George in 1477,[note 14] into his food, thus suggesting to observers that he was reluctant to trust the king.[76]
  16. ^ The Croyland Chronicle comments how

    You might then have seen (as such men are generally to be found in the courts of all princes), flatterers running to and fro, from the one side to the other, and carrying backwards and forwards the words which had fallen from the two brothers, even if they had happened to be spoken in the most secret closet.[12]

References

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  1. ^ Kettle 2005, p. 105.
  2. ^ Pollard 2004.
  3. ^ Kettle 2005, pp. 106, 108.
  4. ^ a b c d Hicks 2004.
  5. ^ a b c Cook 2014, p. 40.
  6. ^ Carpenter 1986, pp. 39–41.
  7. ^ a b c d Carpenter 1992, p. 521.
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Carpenter 1986, p. 39.
  9. ^ Ward 2016, p. 65.
  10. ^ Cook 2014, pp. 40–41.
  11. ^ a b c Ross 1974, p. 241.
  12. ^ a b c d Riley 1854, p. 478.
  13. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w Hicks 1980, p. 138.
  14. ^ a b c Ashdown-Hill 2019, p. 124.
  15. ^ Hicks 1980, pp. 138–139.
  16. ^ a b c Pierce 2013, p. 4.
  17. ^ Hicks 1981, p. 307.
  18. ^ a b c Ashdown-Hill 2019, p. 128.
  19. ^ Ashdown-Hill 2019, pp. 124–125.
  20. ^ a b Ashdown-Hill 2019, p. 125.
  21. ^ a b c d e f g Kittredge 1929, p. 138.
  22. ^ a b c Fleming 2024, p. 268.
  23. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Hicks 1980, p. 139.
  24. ^ Crawford 2007, p. 101.
  25. ^ Lee 2003, p. 170.
  26. ^ Ashdown-Hill 2018, pp. 144–145.
  27. ^ a b Bellamy 1973, p. 24.
  28. ^ Ashdown-Hill 2019, pp. 123–124.
  29. ^ Ashdown-Hill 2014, p. 132.
  30. ^ a b c Scofield 1967, p. 187.
  31. ^ a b c Ashdown-Hill 2014, p. 133.
  32. ^ Davies 2004.
  33. ^ Hicks 1980, p. 218.
  34. ^ Hicks 1980, p. 140.
  35. ^ DKR 1842, p. 214.
  36. ^ Ashdown-Hill 2019, pp. 127–128.
  37. ^ a b c d e f g Bellamy 1973, p. 57.
  38. ^ a b Scofield 1967, p. 186.
  39. ^ a b Hughes 2002, p. 289.
  40. ^ Hickey 2023, p. 131.
  41. ^ a b c d e Lander 1967, p. 6.
  42. ^ Armstrong 1983, p. 113.
  43. ^ Young 2022, p. 132.
  44. ^ Sillem 1936, p. lxxi.
  45. ^ Platts 1985, p. 253.
  46. ^ Lander 1967, p. 6 n.27.
  47. ^ Pollard 2001, p. 103.
  48. ^ Scofield 1967, p. 187 n.1.
  49. ^ a b c Lander 1967, p. 7.
  50. ^ Bellamy 1973, pp. 57–58.
  51. ^ a b Bellamy 1973, p. 58.
  52. ^ a b c d Scofield 1967, p. 188.
  53. ^ Saunders 2010, p. 76.
  54. ^ Kittredge 1929, p. 139.
  55. ^ a b Gairdner 2010, p. 147.
  56. ^ Bartlett 2020, pp. 346–347.
  57. ^ Kelly 2001, p. 231.
  58. ^ Ashdown-Hill 2019, p. 13`1.
  59. ^ Hicks 1980, p. 134.
  60. ^ a b c Scofield 1967, p. 189.
  61. ^ a b c Given-Wilson et al. 2005.
  62. ^ Crawford 2007, p. 100.
  63. ^ Young 2022, p. 133.
  64. ^ Hillier 1976, p. 18.
  65. ^ a b c d Hicks 1980, p. 165.
  66. ^ a b Bellamy 1965, p. 146.
  67. ^ a b Carpenter 1986, p. 38.
  68. ^ a b Lander 1967, p. 9.
  69. ^ Ashdown-Hill 2019, p. 134.
  70. ^ a b Hicks 2010, p. 211.
  71. ^ Mazour-Matusevic & Bejczy 2007, pp. 228, 235 n.53.
  72. ^ Sadler 2005, p. 224.
  73. ^ Given-Wilson & Curties 1988, pp. 154–156.
  74. ^ Kettle 2005, p. 108.
  75. ^ Hicks 1980, p. 166.
  76. ^ a b Ross 1974, p. 240.
  77. ^ Pidgeon 2006, p. 30.
  78. ^ Grummitt 2013, p. 109.
  79. ^ Ashdown-Hill 2019, p. 129.
  80. ^ Hicks 1980, p. 164.
  81. ^ Ross 1974, p. 243.
  82. ^ a b Fleming 2024, p. 269.
  83. ^ Boatwright 2003, p. 65.
  84. ^ a b Hicks 1983, p. 135.
  85. ^ Ross 1974, p. 392.
  86. ^ Horrox 1996, p. 35.
  87. ^ Lander 1977, p. 93.
  88. ^ Hipshon 2009, p. 170.
  89. ^ a b c d e Hicks 1980, p. 167.
  90. ^ Hampton 1978, p. 11.
  91. ^ Hicks 1980, p. 133.
  92. ^ Weightman 1989, p. 130.
  93. ^ Pidgeon 2019, p. 182.
  94. ^ Hicks 1980, p. 194.
  95. ^ Hicks 1991, pp. 22–23.
  96. ^ Shepard 1993, p. 127.
  97. ^ Good 2009, p. 88 + n.123.
  98. ^ Pierce 2013, p. 5.

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